‏إظهار الرسائل ذات التسميات جديد الكتب. إظهار كافة الرسائل
‏إظهار الرسائل ذات التسميات جديد الكتب. إظهار كافة الرسائل
الاثنين، 29 سبتمبر 2025

تنزيل ملف PDF | العلاقات العباسية البيزنطية 132- 247هج / 750-861م - موفق سالم نوري ، الطبعة الأولى 1990.

 تنزيل ملف PDF | العلاقات العباسية البيزنطية 132- 247هج / 750-861م  - موفق سالم نوري

الطبعة الأولى 1990. 

عدد الصفحات : (400)


نبذة عن الكتاب/ 

حظيت العلاقات بين الأمم والشعوب بمكانة خاصة في الدراسات التاريخية ، لما لهذه العلاقات من أثر مهم وفعال في حركة التاريخ ورسم مساراته باتجاه تراكم خبرات الشعوب وتجاربها بما يسهم في تطور الانسانية وتقدمها . وما يظهره من ميادين متجددة للفعل الانساني الخلاق . لذا احتلت العلاقة بين العرب المسلمين والبيزنطيين ، مساحة واسعة في البحث التاريخي لدى المعنيين عرباً ومستشرقين هدفها الكشف عن أبعاد هذه العلاقة ودوافعها ونتائجها.

 ويأتي عملنا هذا إسهاماً متواضعا واستكمالا للاعمال السابقة ، أوجبه. ما يكشف باستمرار من أصول تاريخية ، تضيف الجديد من المادة التاريخية. وأوجبه أيضا ضرورة اعادة كتابة تاريخ أمتنا المجيدة ، وفق مفاهيم أكثر عدالة. وانصافه، وأكثر ايجابية في التعامل مع مفردات تاريخ هذه الامة العظيمة .. وكذا العمل دوما على تعميق مناهج البحث التاريخي ، بما يكشف عن المكنات الهائلة في النصوص التاريخية، التي تأصل البحث التاريخي وتوسع من ميادينه. وعبرت العلاقات العباسية البيزنطية عن مرحلة جديدة في اطار العلاقات. العربية البيزنطية ، كانت لها أبعادها الخاصة والمميزة التي أفرزتها طبيعة هذه المرحلة. 


ففي العصر العباسي الأول، تحولت ادارة الدولة الاسلامية من الادارة العسكرية ، التي أوجبتها فرضتها ظروف تاريخية معينة ، الى الادارة المدنية التي مثلت مرحلة الاستقرار والتحول الى البناء الداخلي للدولة والمجتمع . وبعث عوامل الازدهار السياسي والاقتصادي والاجتماعي والثقافي. 


وعلى الرغم من ذلك بقيت العلاقات الحربية بين الدولتين تحتل المساحة الأوسع بينهما . اذ مثلث الامبراطورية البيزنطية عامل تحد واجهته الامة العربية الاسلامية . قسمت هذه الامبراطورية الى استعادة أمجادها القديمة في المنطقة ، باعثة الحياة في الصراع القديم بين الشرق والغرب . في حين بذلت الدولة العباسية جهدها الحماية تخومها من أي خطر أجنبي . كما كان هذا الصراع وجهاً من أوله العلاقة بين أية قوتين عظميين متجاورتين ، تحاول كل منهما فرض سيادتها إلى مناطق التخوم بينهما ، وتأمين أراضيها من أي عملية توسع على حسابها 

ولم تكن العلاقات الحربية ، الوجه الوحيد للعلاقة بين العباسيين والبيز تطفين ، بل لمة أوجه أخرى سياسية وحضارية بينهما . اذ احتلت العلاقات السياسية مكانتها الخاصة ، والتي جسدتها المعاهدات والاتفاقيات وتبادل السفراء منهما ، وعززتها أيضا عملية تبادل أسرى الطرفين ، واستمرت هذه العملية طوال العصر العباسي الاوله طالما كانت هناك علاقات حربية بينهما. 


واحتلت الاتصالات الحضارية بين الدولتين ، مكانها في تاريخ العلاقات بينهما ، وأحدث الاتصالات الثقافية أوجهاً وسبلا متعددة عكست التاثيرات المتبادلة في هذا الميدان ، وأخذت العلاقات التجارية ، هي الأخرى ، أشكالا وسبلا مادة ، عبرت - رغبة الطرفين في ادامة الاتصال السلمي بينهما. وعلى أن يكون هذا الجهد المتواضع اسهاما بسيطا في الكشف عن الأوجه المشرقة في تاريخ المهنا المجيدة .



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الجمعة، 25 أبريل 2025

تنزيل ملف PDF | مملكة قبرص اللاتينية بين الشرق الإسلامي والغرب الأوروبي - دكتور محمد عبد الحفيظ فرشوخ.

تنزيل ملف PDF | مملكة قبرص اللاتينية بين الشرق الإسلامي والغرب الأوروبي - دكتور محمد عبد الحفيظ فرشوخ. 

عدد الصفحات : 587

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الاثنين، 31 مارس 2025

تنزيل ملف PDF | نظم الحكم بمصر في عصر الفاطميين 358-567هج / 968-1171م - دكتور عطية مصطفى مشرفه ، دار الفكر العربي.

تنزيل ملف PDF | نظم الحكم بمصر في عصر الفاطميين 358-567هج / 968-1171م - دكتور عطية مصطفى مشرفه ، دار الفكر العربي. 

عدد الصفحات : 376

حجم الملف : 43.3 ميجا



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تنزيل ملف PDF | إمارة الحج في مصر العثمانية 923-1213هج/ 1517-1798م - سميرة فهمي علي عمر ، الهيئة المصرية العامة للكتاب 2001م.

تنزيل ملف PDF | إمارة الحج في مصر العثمانية 923-1213هج/ 1517-1798م - سميرة فهمي علي عمر ، الهيئة المصرية العامة للكتاب ، سلسلة تاريخ المصريين ، العدد 201 ، القاهرة ، الطبعة الأولى 2001م. 

عدد الصفحات : 440

حجم الملف : 20 ميجا 



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تنزيل ملف PDF | إمارة الحج في مصر العثمانية 923-1213هج/ 1517-1798م - سميرة فهمي علي عمر ، الهيئة المصرية العامة للكتاب 2001م.



تنزيل ملف PDF | تركيا (آسيا الصغرى) في عهد المغول 641-736هـ/ 1243-1336م - دكتور متعب القثامي

 تنزيل ملف PDF | تركيا (آسيا الصغرى)  في عهد المغول 641-736هـ/ 1243-1336م - دكتور متعب القثامي 

عدد الصفحات : 666

حجم الملف : 36 ميجا 


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تنزيل ملف PDF | لوحان أثريان للسلطان قايتباي والسلطان سليمان القانوني - دكتور محمد أنور شكري ، مطابع دار الثقافة 1976م.

 تنزيل ملف PDF | لوحان أثريان للسلطان قايتباي والسلطان سليمان القانوني 

تأليف : دكتور محمد أنور شكري ، مطابع دار الثقافة 1976م.

عدد الصفحات : 68 

حجم الملف : 7.7 ميجا 



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تنزيل ملف PDF | لوحان أثريان للسلطان قايتباي والسلطان سليمان القانوني


تنزيل ملف PDF | القرون العثمانية قيام وسقوط الإمبراطورية - تأليف جون باتريك كينروس ، (مترجم) ، منشأة المعارف ، الإسكندرية 2003.

تنزيل ملف PDF | القرون العثمانية قيام وسقوط الإمبراطورية 

تأليف جون باتريك كينروس ، (مترجم) ، منشأة المعارف ، الإسكندرية 2003. 

عدد الصفحات : 722 

حجم الملف : 39 ميجا 


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تنزيل ملف PDF | القرية المصرية في عصر سلاطين المماليك - مجدي عبد الرشيد بحر ، الهيئة المصرية العامة للكتاب 1999م.

 تنزيل ملف PDF | القرية المصرية في عصر سلاطين المماليك 

تأليف: مجدي عبد الرشيد بحر ، سلسلة تاريخ المصريين ، عدد 170 ، الهيئة المصرية العامة للكتاب ، القاهرة ، الطبعة الأولى  1999م. 

عدد الصفحات: 378 



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القرية المصرية عصر سلاطين المماليك


تنزيل ملف PDF | التحولات الاقتصادية في مصر أواخر العصور الوسطى - الدكتور محمد فتحي الزامل.

تنزيل ملف PDF | التحولات الاقتصادية في مصر أواخر العصور الوسطى - الدكتور محمد فتحي الزامل. 

الكتاب في الأصل عبارة عن أطروحة علمية حصل بها المؤلف على درجة الماجستير من قسم التاريخ بكلية الآداب جامعة القاهرة عام 2007 تحت عنوان (الاوضاع الاقتصادية في مصر أواخر عصر سلاطين المماليك الجراكسة(857هـ/ 1453م-923هـ/1517م) بإشراف الأستاذ الدكتور حسنين ربيع.


وتناولت الدراسة خمسة فصول:
الفصل الأول الزراعة في مصر أواخر عصر سلاطين المماليك الجراكسة
الفصل الثاني الحرف والصناعات في مصر أواخر عصر سلاطين المماليك الجراكسة
الفصل الثالث تجارة مصر أواخر عصر سلاطين المماليك الجراكسة
الفصل الرابع السياسية النقدية في مصر أواخر عصر سلاطين المماليك الجراكسة
الفصل الخامس الازمات المالية في مصر أواخر عصر سلاطين المماليك الجراكسة.


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كل التفاع
١٢

تنزيل ملف PDF | كتاب التوفيقات الإلهامية في مقارنة التواريخ الهجرية بالسنين الإفرنكية والقبطية ، (النسخة المحققة) - مجلدان.

 تنزيل ملف PDF | كتاب التوفيقات الإلهامية في مقارنة التواريخ الهجرية بالسنين الإفرنكية والقبطية

لأول مرة تتوفر ع الانترنت (النسخة المحققة) من الكتاب بصسغة (بي دي إف) وهي عبارة عن مجلدين. 

الكتاب من تأليف اللواء محمد مختار باشا ، صدرت الطبعة الأولى بالمطابع الأميرية ، بولاق 1310هج/ 1893م 

والتحقيق المرفق لكم قام به الدكتور محمد عمارة ، وصدر في مجلدين إليكم روابط تحميلهم اسفل المقال





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الاثنين، 20 يناير 2025

Download PDF | Ivan Biliarsky - The Tale of the Prophet Isaiah_ The Destiny and Meanings of an Apocryphal Text-BRILL (2013).

Download PDF | Ivan Biliarsky - The Tale of the Prophet Isaiah_ The Destiny and Meanings of an Apocryphal Text- (2013).

323 Pages 



PREFACE 

This book is a translation of my monograph, Skazanie na Isaiah proroka i formiraneto na politicheskata ideologija na rannosrednovekovna Bulgaria (= Tale ofthe ProphetIsaiah andthe Formation ofthe PoliticalIdeology of Early Mediaeval Bulgaria), which was published in 2011 in Sofia. I had almost one year after the publication of the Bulgarian text to take into consideration all the suggestions of my colleagues, and now the reader has in his hands a noticeably modified book. It is significantly enlarged and enriched with ideas, some of which are new, others have been neglected in the Bulgarian version. I strongly hope that my new study is more consistent and clear and I would like to thank to all my colleagues who helped me achieve this result. 



I would like as well to thank Vladimir Vladov for the translation of the text and to express my special gratitude to Christopher Bonura for editing manuscript and improving the English. Without his help, the book would not be the same. Following the common practice, the titles of books and articles published in other alphabets are transliterated in Latin characters. With Greek, I used the classical transliteration, while for Cyrillic, I have employed the general rules in use for the Library of Congress system. However, I have preferred the common English spelling wherever that would help a reader unfamiliar with Bulgarian, Serbian, or Russian.



 For example, I preferred “archiepiskopia” (archbishopric) to “arkhiepiskopija” or “arkhiepiskopiia,” and “Sofia” (the capital of Bulgaria) to either “Sofija” or “Sofiia”. Several other points of clarification are given in the text itself. The book was shaped by recommendations from the readers, Christopher Bonura, Florin Curta (the editor of the series), and Marcella Mulder (assistant editor at Brill). I assume responsibility for any error or absence. Sofia, June 11, 2012 The day of Sts Apostles Bartholomew and Barnabas Mother of God Axion Estin




INTRODUCTION 

A book is conceived gradually, even though in the beginning there is always a sudden spark that rouses the author’s interest in a certain theme, a certain source, in certain figures and events. The spark might come on some concrete occasion, at times an insignificant one, perhaps even unrelated to the author’s research. Afterwards, the spark might ignite a short-lived interest, or be the initial cause of concrete research that will subsequently be left off and never resumed, or else resumed much later, rekindled by some other spark. However, another course is also possible: the author might proceed towards his goal at a regular pace, moved by a lasting interest in the problem; or by the fact that the work has been ordered—and this is an incitement to which all, or nearly all, intellectuals submit.



 This book is the result of such momentary gleams that eventually led to the idea of a new reading of a mediaeval treatise, and along with this, a new examination of many stereotypes that have been imposed for more than a century and are now ingrained in society—and from there in historical science. The first steps on the path that led to this book were taken in Rome in the second half of the 1990s, incited by the seminars organised by Professor Pierangelo Catalano and Professor Paolo Siniscalco, and entitled “Da Roma alla Terza Roma”. 



Dealing with the idea of Empire, of the City and citizenship, and of the religious foundations of state power and law, these seminars provided me with the environment I had long been seeking in my desire to fill my researches with a deeper meaning, to give them a greater completeness, integrity, that would go beyond the concrete work with sources or with amassed literature; to situate my writing in the context of History viewed not only as a chain of events but as a road to a destination, a purpose, a meaning. 




The second stage of conception developed in Bucharest during my stay in New Europe College, where a group was formed, a group of people with shared interests in the problem area related to translating theological terms into the vocabulary, conceptual framework, and essence of political and legal thought. This is an area of study that Carl Schmitt designated as“political theology”, and that was subsequently taken up and further developed by various Catholic, Protestant, and, more recently (though not very systematically) by Orthodox authors. 




I will not enumerate here the friends who are part of this basically informal group, for they know very well who they are, and I wish to avoid the risk that someone might be omitted 2 introduction from this enumeration and hence feel unjustly offended. And the last step towards defining the direction of my work was taken in Dumbarton Oaks, Washington D.C., in the course of very interesting, indeed, unforgettable, talks with Professor Irfan Shahîd. The result of that stay was not only my research about Tsar Arev (its idea sprang from a remote childhood memory of my father relating to me events that had taken place in Iraq) but also the general orientation to search for the Near Eastern roots of the literary work I purposed to study. 







That was how the idea was born; as for its course of realisation, it spanned from Sofia through Jerusalem, then through the little village of Hawarden in Wales, and finally to Paris. It was during my stay in Jerusalem, on a scholarship at the Albright Institute of Archaeological Research (AIAR), that the main parts of the work related to the Old Testament tradition were completed. These sections are easily recognisable within this book, for they would have been impossible to write had I relied only on the resources available in Bulgaria. 





That is why I want to specially thank the team at AIAR and particularly the institute’s director, Professor Seymour Gitin, for the opportunity provided me. There is also an exceptionally rich theological collection at Gladstone’s Library in Hawarden, Wales (which at the time of my stay there was still called St Deiniol’s Library), and I had the excellent opportunity to use it thanks to the specially kind attitude of this institution towards Bulgaria and Bulgarians, an attitude that is a legacy from the time of William Gladstone. I would like to personally thank the warden, Father Peter Francis, and the other colleagues at the library. And so we come to the text itself, which is the basis of this book.It is called Tale of the Prophet Isaiah of How an Angel Took Him to the Seventh Heaven. 





This work is known in Bulgarian historical science, and internationally as well, as a Bulgarian Apocryphal Chronicle of the 11th Century. Evidently, the latter title is not derived from the text itself, and it is not present in the only preserved manuscript copy. What is more, the work has its own title, which is written and clearly declared in the manuscript. Then where did the title by which it is known to scholars come from? From the publishers of the text, of course! Long ago Lj. Stojanović put the following heading to the almost fully normalised text he published: “Kao bugarski letopis”. This is not a true title and evidently involves no claim of renaming the work. It was part of the overall attitude of science in that time (in Serbia and elsewhere), which looked upon the publication of a text as inseparable from its interpretation.





 This approach led to the normalisation of the work’s spelling and punctuation, and to all sorts of intervention. I am not expressing disapproval of this introduction 3 here, especially as the Serbian scholar did a good job and his intervention in the text has not led to any deviations or misinterpretation. 



The abovementioned title, popular even today, was actually composed not by the first publisher of the text but by Jordan Ivanov, who later republished the Tale. Jordan Ivanov’s title does contain an interpretation of the source, and also a preliminary assessment of it (inasmuch as every title is situated above, which means “before”, the work). His assessment was evidently influenced by his milieu and his time. By this title, he basically posited the parameters of interpretation, which later became almost the norm for other scholars. I say “almost” because the Tale is so confusing that it would be impossible for its interpretations to be unanimous and to follow a single model.






 These interpretations will be discussed in a separate chapter on historiographical problems, but here I will deal with the title Jordan Ivanov gave to the work. Bulgarian Apocryphal Chronicle ofthe11th Century is a designation encompassing several characteristics. The work is defined as a “chronicle”, even though it quite clearly follows the tradition of Near Eastern and especially biblical prophetic literature.It is true that it includes an enumeration of consecutive rulers; part of this account resembles a mythical pre-history, and it all seems to end in the future. 




Nevertheless, this does not make it a “chronicle”, does not put it in that genre. In addition, the chronicle is “Bulgarian” and “apocryphal”; the latter is understood as meaning—again “thanks” to Jordan Ivanov—a mostly Bogomilian work, or in any case a heretical one. As to whether the work is Bulgarian, there is a basically unanimous opinion in Bulgarian historiography that it is, and this opinion rests on the previous characteristic. Most scholars consider it to be an original, national work, and if there is any difference of opinion among them at all, it is whether the Tale is folkloric, dualistic (Manichaean or Bogomilian), or simply a patriotic historical account. 






As I said, the apocryphal nature of the text is usually thought of as dualistic and Bogomilian, and only recently have other interpretations appeared. In fact, the Talereally is “apocryphal” but not in the usual sense. In various cultural and religious environments, “apocrypha”, “pseudoepigrapha” or “deuterocanonical” books are the names given to texts that are in the line of the Holy Scripture tradition but do not belong to its normative body of texts; specifically for Orthodox Christians, this body is defined by the Septuagint and the Gospel-Apostolic tradition. In this sense, but in no other, I accept the thesis that the work is apocryphal. The title’s last point for discussion is its dating from the 11th century. 








This question has a place further on in the presentation; here I will only note that 4 introduction I believe this to be a compilatory work in which some of the ideas reflected datefrombeforethe indicated time, and that itwas probably completed after that time. Here, at the beginning of this book, I must make a point in order to avoid a grave misunderstanding of its purpose: the objective of the research I am offering here is not to study the text of the Tale of the Prophet Isaiah as a source of knowledge of historical events. I state this from the start, and the reader should not expect any other approach here. 




The other approach has been the topic of other studies by other researchers. I should also state that I do not mean to, and cannot, completely reject that other view. It has arisen and exists in a certain social milieu and, in the opinion of that milieu, it undoubtedly carries information about events. This approach elaborates ideological theses based on a view of history that is at least partially imaginary; but the theses cannot be isolated from the aspect of positive events in the work. That is why some authors have succeeded in finding some quite interesting data in the story. 






If I object to the positivist approach to the work, it is because there is a tendency for this approach to be applied in interpreting all elements of the work, situating them in real time and a real environment. This exclusive interpretation is, in my opinion, an insufficient and dangerous way of approaching the source, and is dictated by ideological considerations rooted in the 19th century, considerations that I discuss separately in this book. We come to the question of what I intend to present and prove in this book. 



Tale of the Prophet Isaiah is certainly one of the most interesting but also one of the most ambiguous and unclear texts of mediaeval Bulgarian literature. It is not an original work but a compilation consisting of various layers, its essential basis being neither folkloric nor dualistic, and—least of all—patriotic. The Tale has its origin essentially in biblical and Near Eastern prophetic literature of the apocalyptic type, a genre in which the presentation of the past serves as an occasion to express views on the meaning of existence and on the future, understood as the Salvation of people. To put it in modern terms, this is a work that states very significant positions on issues of identity, the state, ideology, the origin and purpose of power. 







These positions present the religious nature of state power on the basis of, using terms and images from, Holy Scripture, and especially the Old Testament. Tale of the Prophet Isaiah reflects the initial steps in the creation of a new identity for the baptised Bulgarians and, in my opinion, it stresses two main ideas in this respect. The first emphasis concerns the view that the neophytes are the New Israel, a very familiar thesis both in the Byzantine introduction 5 Empire and in Western Europe. The second emphasis is on a unity between Romans/Byzantines and Bulgarians, which are presented in the text as practically a united people on a single territory and under the same rule, especially since the time of Tsar Constantine and after it. These two emphases combine in the general idea of the New Israel as the earthly kingdom of Romans/Byzantines and of Bulgarians. These are the general theses that I will attempt to present and prove further on in this book. The evaluation of this attempt is not for me to make and not to be placed in the introduction—it is left to you, the readers of this research. I can only be thankful for the interest shown and express my gratitude to all those who have supported me in the creation of this book. Some of them were already mentioned, with or without their names, as the people who helped me in Sofia, Rome, Bucharest, Jerusalem, Washington D.C., Hawarden, and Paris.












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Download PDF | Vladimir Sokol - Medieval Jewelry and Burial Assemblages in Croatia_ A Study of Graves and Grave Goods, ca. 800 to ca. 1450-Brill 2016.

Download PDF | Vladimir Sokol - Medieval Jewelry and Burial Assemblages in Croatia_ A Study of Graves and Grave Goods, ca. 800 to ca. 1450-Brill 2016.

269 Pages 


Introduction 

At the beginning of the third millennium AD, a time when all the results of many decades, even centuries, are consolidated, it is necessary to summarize what has been the focus of numerous Croatian and European archaeologists interested in the Middle Ages: the material culture of the medieval period in Croatia, notably that represented by the most frequent finds—jewelry, more specifically earrings. A century has passed since Father Lujo Marun began publishing research on earring finds, now housed in the Knin Museum, in his renowned series of articles that appeared over the years in the journal Starohrvatska prosvjeta.



 It was then that hundreds of examples of what he called ‘Old Croatian earrings’, hitherto safeguarded at the Museum, emerged from the shadows of the past; to date, thousands more have emerged. With almost five thousand recorded examples, the Knin Museum holdings are probably the largest collection of medieval artefacts of this kind in Europe. Over an extended period of time, jewelry changed in shape and size, as did techniques and types of metals used to fashion it: from small, plain earrings, measuring as little as 2 to 3 cm, to large temple pendants, measuring 8 to 10 cm. However, one thing remained a constant: continuity in production, use and wear and the presence of this artefact in graves dating from the Early to the Late Middle Ages. In ten decades of research, many have contributed to the recognition of this beautiful dress accessory. 



Further contributions can be expected in the future; the work we are presenting is just one moment of the research process recorded on paper. By the end of the 20th century enough material facts had been collected to complete the groundwork for a systematic classification, periodization and chronology of jewelry in general, notably earrings. Also, the significant finds of burial architecture enabled the identification of succession in the diversity of shapes, the manner in which they were fashioned, and their indirect correlation to the type of artefacts found as grave goods. 



The sequencing of burial phases contributed to the overall correlating of such occurrences in time and space. This book presents all preceding attempts and the results thus generated. Some results have been applied successfully, some to a lesser degree, but every new fact is invaluable as is each find. They have enabled the development and constant update of the system, which will no doubt continue in the future, notably thanks to new technologies. 



The ultimate intention of all the material presented in this book is to define the Old Croatian material culture, to define the period in which it was produced in respect to design and material, the scope of its occurrence and to set absolute temporal and spatial values. The personal participation in the field research of important medieval sites, as research assistant or head, as well as the insight into recent research in Croatia, has offered me an in-depth and comprehensive overview of issues concerning periodization, research chronology and status, not only within a Croatian context, but also within a Central European context.



 A colleague and I discovered (1974), and later excavated the Old Croatian cemetery in Stranče near Crikvenica; I took part in research carried out at the cemetery with standing tombstones in Raška Gora near Mostar; I participated in the research and computer analysis of three cemeteries with stone sepulchral slabs dating from the period of standing tombstones located at the foot of Mt Velebit, the first study of this type in Croatia (1977– 1978); I was a guest researcher at the site of the St George cemetery (Bijelo Brdo culture) in Sveti Juraj u Trnju (St George in Trnje); I participated in field study trips to Hungary, Slovenia, Austria, Germany, Italy, the Czech Republic, Slovakia, Poland, Ukraine and Russia. 



Regular correspondence and contact with major researchers, both foreign and Croatian, helped me gain even better insight into the material. On the other hand, years of field research at the large Late Roman castrum on Kuzelin Hill near Sesvete (Zagreb) have supplied the necessary elements, allowing me to get an understanding of the period before the Early Middle Ages. This work also helped me to define what, in later periods may, or may not, be seen as a remnant from that period. Alongside this, regular research at numerous professional and scientific institutions and libraries has also been of importance. I am grateful to my colleagues for their support and cooperation, especially those in Hungary, Slovenia, Moravia, Slovakia and the United States. 



This, ultimately, helped to create the necessary prerequisites for what was to follow: to all those who have assisted me in my endeavour, my heartfelt thanks. The analysis of the medieval jewelry, and earrings in particular, found in Croatia, which is one of the largest known archaeological collections of such jewelry in Europe, creates the necessary prerequisites for an integration of existing Central European systems, such as proposed by L. Niederle, Lj. Karaman, Z. Váňa, B. Dostál, J. Giesler and others. I believe this is necessary and possible, and it will enable artefacts found in Croatia to be cited and included in individual, contracted syntheses more frequently, where they will be recognized as imported material, or analysed within other contexts. The basic methods applied in this work are archaeological in nature and aimed at creating a realistic picture of chronology, with as little possible influence from other approaches and disciplines. 



I strove to avoid correlations between the dating of archaeological material and historic events; it was, however, necessary to write several excursuses in order to clarify certain occurrences. The first, Croatian edition of this book received the 2007 Josip Brunšmid Annual Award given by the Croatian Archaeological Society.1 I remain indebted to Professor Milan Prelog to this day; it was because of him that I embarked upon this work which has, despite all circumstances, borne fruitful and rewarding results. And finally, I am grateful to the general editor of the series, Professor Florin Curta, who initiated and continuosly supported efforts that this book would be brought to light. I would also like to thank to my friend and colleague Dr Damir Karbić (HAZU, Zagreb) for his help in the final stages of copy editing.
















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Download PDF | Norman Housley - Fighting for the Cross_ Crusading to the Holy Land-Yale University Press (2008).

Download PDF | Norman Housley - Fighting for the Cross_ Crusading to the Holy Land-Yale University Press (2008). 

392 Pages 




PREFACE AND ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 

There are countless histories of the crusades to the Holy Land, but hardly any attempts have been made to describe what the practice of crusading meant for the men and women who engaged in it. This is astonishing because crusading generated a very large volume of eyewitness testimony. For generations the accounts that Geoffrey of Villehardouin and John of Joinville wrote about the Fourth and Seventh Crusades have been among the most widely read medieval texts.



 They deserve their fame because they're exceptionally vivid and personal memoirs. But Villehardouin and Joinville are just the tip of the iceberg. Narratives, letters, poems, songs, sermons and treatises give us the means to reconstruct to a remarkable degree both the lived experience of crusading and the state of mind of participants. Wherever possible I ve allowed these sources to speak for themselves, using translations when they exist. The crusades have always been well served by translators and in recent years there's been a welcome growth in translations that are both accurate and accessible. The surviving texts are complemented by an unusually large quantity of striking visual evidence, as the illustrations reproduced here should demonstrate. Diacritical marks in oriental place and personal names present a constant issue for historians of crusading and Ive cut the Gordian knot by using none. 




The people whose exploits and sufferings are described in this book all took the cross to fight for Jerusalem. Crusading was an extraordinarily diverse phenomenon and thousands took the cross to fight in areas of the medieval world that were far away from the Holy Land, against Muslims, pagans and heretics among others. But for various reasons their experience of crusading was different from that of the crusaders who fought in the East, so I ve made no attempt to bring them into this book. Exceptionally, I have included some of the fighting in Iberia, because it took place when crusaders were travelling to the Holy Land. I ve also been selective in my use of the evidence left by the settlers and military orders based in the East, because their experience and outlook were likely to be different from those of visiting crusaders. I'm grateful to Yale University Press for commissioning this book, to Heather McCallum for much helpful advice on it, and to the Press's readers for their detailed comments. The book is the fruit of three decades of reading, talking, teaching and writing about the crusades, and I can't begin to list the hundreds of colleagues and students who have shaped my thinking about the subject. To all of them I'm grateful. 



But I want to single out for special thanks the series of PhD students supervised by Jonathan Riley-Smith whose theses I examined: Cassandra Chideock, Michael Lower, Christoph Maier, William Purkis, Rebecca Rist, Caroline Smith and Susanna Throop. Some of their theses have been published, and I hope that the others will soon join them. Between them these historians have made a fundamental contribution to how we should view the ideas and practices of crusading to the Holy Land. They've certainly taught me more than I can say. 

Norman Housley University of Leicester













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السبت، 30 نوفمبر 2024

Download PDF | Simon Goldhill - Preposterous Poetics_ The Politics and Aesthetics of Form in Late Antiquity- (2020).

 Download PDF |  Simon Goldhill - Preposterous Poetics_ The Politics and Aesthetics of Form in Late Antiquity- (2020).

326 Pages 




PREPOSTEROUS POETICS. 

How does literary form change as Christianity and rabbinic Judaism take shape? What is the impact on literary tradition of the new pressures of religious thinking? Tracing a journey over the first millennium that includes works in Latin, Greek, Hebrew and Aramaic, this book changes our understanding of late antiquity and how its literary productions make a significant contribution to the cultural changes that have shaped western Europe. 



Simon Goldhill. is Professor of Greek at the University of Cambridge and a Fellow of King’s College. He is one of the best-known writers on Greek literature and culture, publishing almost twenty books and numerous articles on texts and topics from the whole span of antiquity and its reception, especially in the Victorian era. He has broadcast regularly on television and radio around the world, and has been profiled in newspapers from Brazil to Australia. His books have won three international prizes and been translated into ten languages.



Preface 

The ‘unspeakable’ Optatian has been repeatedly denigrated as the fourthcentury writer who most painfully embodies a corrupt or trivializing turn to ‘pure form’ – where meaning threatens to become ‘secondary to the display of surface artistry (played out on the level of the poetic line, word and letter)’.  ‘Unspeakable’ is Alan Cameron’s judgement, but I suspect he did not intend the word to be as richly ironic as it now seems, for if there is any poet in antiquity whose work challenges the usual rule that poetry and prose are expected to be read aloud, it is Optatian, whose oeuvre is literally unspeakable. 





His poems take the form of grids of letters (carmen cancellatum) which can be read – indeed are designed to be read – in multiple directions, and which can also encode patterns of letters that also spell out images of ships or the Chi-Rho symbol of Christianity in and across the grid. (Even the Chi-Rho is made up of letters which spell words that can be read – in this case, most bizarrely of all, Greek words transliterated into Latin, adding another palimpsestic layer of readerly engagement, another form of double reading, another temporality of interpretation). This is flamboyant visual poetry, beyond even the technopaignia of Hellenistic cleverness, that must be seen, and seen in different directions, over time. It sits between pictorial representation and verbal significance – and challenges the temporality and the singularity of what can be said.






 His poetry may talk in traditional terms of ‘song’, ‘music’ and ‘metre’, but it cannot be turned into the linear performance such tradition expects. He even writes a quatrain (poem ), where the twenty words can designedly be shuffled to create further verses – so that one manuscript, following therules for expansion given by a scholiast, has expanded the four lines into seventy-two hexameters. If the rules for such expansion that are laid down in the scholia are followed, one modern scholar has calculated that in fact , verses can be produced; if the rules are slackened so that the last word of each line can also shift place, but the metrical shape of the quatrain is maintained, another scholar (with too much time on his hands) has determined that more than  billion semantically coherent lines (some more coherent than others) can be produced from the twenty words. The expanding experience of continually shifting meaning, subordinate to the act of making sense (in all senses), is dizzying to the point that the artifice of meaning production becomes the artwork’s meaning.










 Yet this dizzying does not merely demand wonder. The question of whether a Christian message appears from these letters and shapes, and whether the Christian message is also about how a Christian message emerges in and from the fragments of the material world, is prompted by the very intermedial materiality of the text’s form. Which way to read – how to read as much as in what direction – becomes a foundational question in encountering Optatian. A question, that is, of how form requires performance. The form of Optatian’s artwork demands an intense and continuing form of attention (or an instant act of dismissal), but he is certainly not to be read aloud. For generations of classical scholars, Optatian has had bad press. Cameron’s insult may seem overdetermined in an amusingly unaware manner, but it is nothing if not typical in its dismissiveness. Even the fact that Optatian appears to have written a book of such poetry and sent it to the emperor, Constantine, who wrote back, and indeed brought Optatian back from exile on the strength of the book, has not yet led to Optatian taking up an iconic place in the history of the cultural politics between the centre of power (il principe) and the elite artist (il poeta) in the Roman empire. The failure of Ovid to sway Augustus with his elegiacs from Tomis has always fitted so much more easily into the privileged model of the doomed, romantic artist, suffering for his art (even when Ovid’s poetry, like the late verse of Wordsworth, seems closer to sycophancy than speaking revolutionary truth to power).







 The instrumental success of Optatian’s unspeakable writing seems an embarrassment for both art and power. Yet, in recent years, Optatian has begun to find a more illustrious place in critical opinion. In particular, for both Aaron Pelttari and Michael Squire, and for the authors collected together by Squire and Wienand, thanks to their careful reading and sophistication of argumentation, Optatian has been understood to raise a set of aesthetic questions that speak sharply to modernity, and thus assimilate him to the most insistent issues of contemporary theory: How to interpret? What is the physical experience of reading? How does reading relate to time and difference? What is the link between the visual, material text and the production of sense? What is surface meaning and how do we progress beyond it?






 But, equally importantly, Optatian also thus opens a vista on to the cultural politics of late antiquity. The claim by Michael Roberts that the Latin poetry of late antiquity is distinguished by its ‘jewelled style’ has been smartly combined by critics with a heightened interest in a poetics of scale, and further linked with the productive idea that just as spolia make monuments out of the shattered fragments of the military past, so poetry of late antiquity shores the fragments of past literature into a monument of present spectacular self-assertion. Such a broad view of the poetics of late antiquity can provide a frame in which Optatian has seemed a striking limit case, and thus a fascinating paradigm of the key vectors of the artistic activity of its era (rather than a vivid demonstration of freakish futility). In short, Optatian’s commitment to ‘pure form’ fits well now with the contemporary critical fascination with form. The questions of the poetics of scale, the fragmentation and reconstruction of literary tradition, the temporality of making sense (and the making sense of temporality), will indeed all return as thematic nexuses in this book, along with the relation between surface meaning and interpretation in a context where Christianity is arguing for its place at the cultural table. Indeed, we shall also return to the importance of intermediality and materiality in Christian discourse, a materiality that grounds humans in the fallen fleshliness of mortality, but which longs for the transcendence of spirit. But the reason for starting with Optatian stems precisely from the question he poses so vividly of how to think about the politics and aesthetics of form in late antiquity – my subtitle (the preposterous poetics will have to wait for now...).






For it is not possible to appreciate the purchase of these more recent re-evaluations of Optatian in terms of form unless they are set against the modern history of the idea of form. ‘Form’ has a remarkably complex recent development as a critical term, a narrative that is all but obscured in most writing about antiquity. But it is certainly not by chance that at least some of the contemporary reevaluation of Optatian comes from scholars trained in art history. When Roger Fry helped to introduce the notion of formalism from European art circles to British audiences just before the First World War – a momenttaken as foundational in the journey towards abstraction – it is indeed a juncture repeatedly seen as the triumph of ‘pure form’ (Fry’s iconic phrase, the very words Michael Squire tellingly uses to cue such history in his rehabilitation of Optatian). Immanuel Kant’s insistence in the Critique of Judgement () that pure judgements of beauty were made ‘according to mere form’, and ‘properly concern only form’ proved seminal for the subsequent development of aesthetic arguments; but, through the late nineteenth century (thanks in part to simplified readings of Kant), Kant’s linkage of the form of art and aesthetic experience found radical and more popular expression in the ‘art for art’s sake’ movement.






 Fry’s appreciation of ‘pure form’ is explicitly an heir to these trajectories; and it privileges a purely abstract art to match. The rejection of mainstream Victorian art in favour of the Impressionists is part of this teleological journey towards abstract expressionism. Formalism – or formalist modernism – is, in this story, a necessary victory over mere representational fancy, or what Fry called ‘an insistence on trivial verisimilitude’.  Fry was well aware of the work of Riegl, whose idea of Kunstwollen was integral to his understanding of formalism, and Riegl’s intensive and deeply influential work on late antiquity brings the study of formalism in modern art history back to this book’s central focus: the transition from classical to Christian art in late antiquity is theorized to support modernism’s formalist vocation.






 It is within this history of the necessity – not the triviality – of formalism that Optatian is valued now, precisely for his sophisticated engagement in the space between the representational signs of language and the abstract signs of the materiality of letters, lines, shapes. ‘Semantically meaningless units of text acquire sacred significance to the contemplative reader’  : pure form can thus become theologically meaningful. The focused use of letters as disruptive signs in modern art, from René Magritte to Cy Twombly (and its influence on music and other art forms) may be able to find a distant, lost ancestor in the carmen cancellatum.  The late antique poetics of Optatian can now make specific sense within the agenda of modernism’s privilege of formalism. Art history may provide one narrative of form, and the critics’ use of the image of spolia for textual production is a token of the will to bring material culture of late antiquity closer to its literary work.








 In literary criticism, however, a different trajectory comes into play. For our purposes here, a rather longer and more intricate story can be said to culminate in the late nineteenth century, which made form – in multiple forms – a central term of cultural discourse across Europe. One trajectory can be drawn, for example, from Shaftesbury’s marvellous expression, ‘the forms which form’, which was translated into the German milieu by Hamann with the language of Bildung, which in turn strongly influenced Eberhard, who taught Schleiermacher; and it is against Schleiermacher’s – and others’ – commitment to Bildung (and its institutionalized role in the Humboldtian universities) that modern notions of Lebensform take shape.







 Yet Hegel, as ever for the nineteenth century, remains a looming presence in this history, not least because of his hugely influential articulation of three art forms – symbolic, classical and romantic, a system in which his privileging of Greek antiquity insists on ‘the authentic reality of the idea of the classical art-form’.  This is an argument that makes the link between art history and literary criticism pressing, as it makes the transition from the classical a crucial turning point. (Thus Riegl’s art history, influenced by Hegel, takes late antiquity as its prime test case.) Indeed, so important was the idea of form for the nineteenth century across Europe in the wake of Hegel that Georg Simmel could see the whole project of literary modernism as ‘a struggle of life against form as such, against the principle of form’.



 Simmel had a case. As Angela Leighton and Kirstie Blair have analysed most incisively, and Meredith Martin and Yopie Prins have extended with regard to poetic metre, the notion of form had become instrumental and normative in the interconnected regimes of literary criticism, religious regulation, social manners and architectural understanding – and even, through the idea of organic form, biological science. Indeed, the way in which form crosses these different territories of cultural authority makes it especially labile as a critical term, a shifting and linking way of perceiving, rather than the fixed structure it is often taken to indicate. So, it seems evident to Charles Kingsley that firm faith requires firm form in poetry, as it requires proper form in liturgy: ‘a poetry of doubt ... can never possess clear and sound form, even organic form at all. How can you put into form that thought which is by its very nature formless?’  Walter Pater here is a paradigmatic figure: bridging literature and art history, experimenting with form, discussing form – and fascinated, not least in Marius the Epicurean, by late antiquity’s transition between the classical and the Christian, a move he conceptualized through his deep reading of Hegel. So Pater wrote: ‘Form ... is everything.’ 







 For the Tractarians, the proper forms of worship required architectural transformation, which could in turn be regarded as a ‘form of poesie’, and which transformed the cityscapes particularly of Britain but of France and Germany too. ‘Forms of worship’ became an increasingly fraught source of contention in Victorian Britain, as, indeed, architectural reform enacted a transformation of the cityscape, and the forms of poetry, especially metre, took on a new cultural insistence. To change the shape and organization of a church went hand in hand with changing the order of service and thus the spiritual life of the worshipper. When Tennyson said ‘I dread losing hold of forms’, he was, as Blair notes, talking about religious order, for all that his grasp of poetic form was iconic.








Through such changes, ‘good form’ – how to behave in society – also became a heightened and contentious arena, not to mention educational reform (what happens in the form room), another major Victorian crisis. Form, that is, the key term of my subtitle, comes trailing clouds of intense and productive dissension, especially from the era when our current institutions of literary criticism were taking shape. Form, to use the language of the race track (or the prison), has form. In recent decades in classical criticism as in other literary domains, form has again become a focus of attention. For many years, especially when paired naively against content, a turn to form was troped negatively as ‘mere formalism’ (the influence of modernism here, as Simmel defined it, is patent). 









The inevitable and well-taken backlash against the opposition of form and content has led to a recognition of how form and ideology are mutually implicative; indeed, as Frederick Jameson insists, there is an ‘ideology of form’.  This has been particularly productive in genres that have a strong institutional and generic identity, such as epinicean poetry or tragedy in the classical city. Victoria Wohl, for example, has argued with great acumen precisely for the political purchase of form in Euripidean tragedy, as, for Leslie Kurke, Glenn Most, Evelyn Krummen and others, the form of epinician narrative has itself been seen as part of the dynamics of reciprocity and the construction of fame in a way that self-consciously goes beyond the earlier and more restrictive formalism of Elroy Bundy. Exploring the logic of digressions in Herodotus’ construction of the politics of cultural difference and self-representation, as a mode of historical explanation, has changed the perception of the normativity of his writing – as has the tension between the models of intellectual analysis and the tragic narrative of Thucydides’ account of the defeat of Athens in the Peloponnesian war.








 This book, however, while it recognizes and builds on such criticism’s ability to combine aesthetic and political argument, necessarily takes on a more flexible and extended perspective on form. It goes beyond the focus on single genres and institutions in two particular ways. First, it looks at particular modes across different genres. So, in chapter , ecphrasis, which is recognized as a mode of writing in ancient theoretical texts (that is, a recognized form, if you will, but not a genre), and, with a different organization of ideas, in modern theory too, is analysed as it takes shape in different genres and across different social and historical contexts. It looks thus not just at the different enactments of a mode in different genres – the formal aspects of difference, as it were – but also at the varied ideological affordances that such a mode takes on in these different generic frames. In the same way, what happens to the tropes of love poetry when they are restructured in the form of an epyllion is part of chapter . 









In these discussions, the poetics of scale, and the temporality of making sense, also come to the fore. Second, where much of the best work on form in ancient literature has focused, as I have mentioned, on particular genres or particular works, in this book, however, I also discuss the interrelations between different forms: how epyllion, epic and epigram take shape in dynamic relation to each other and work self-consciously in the space between generic affiliation and a look over the boundary to different forms. This is not a question of the Kreuzung der Gattungen, a standard modern critical recognition of Hellenistic poetry’s hybridity (which is also keenly relevant to the polyphonous voice of tragedy in the city, which takes into its goatsong world different genres of singing and speaking), but rather a double understanding that literary history is also cultural history, and texts are formed within a broad – cross-generic – literary culture. Here, the fragmentation and reconstruction of literary tradition becomes a key issue. 








This volume looks at prose and verse, in Greek, Latin, Hebrew, Aramaic and across a range of social and political contextualizations. It focuses primarily on textual sources, but in many cases on textual sources that are about material culture – sculptures, paintings, buildings: as with the modern history of the category of form, the link between art history and literary history is integral to the development of late antique culture. Form, then, provides a central and linking question of the various chapters to come: and for me it is essential to see how form is both an aesthetic and political issue. Or, most simply, the question of form is a question of how aesthetics has a purchase in the social and cultural issues of the day. 









As we will see, this is no simple matter. In several of my chapters, texts that are not familiar parts of the canon will be analysed and, indeed, made central to my arguments about the politics and aesthetics of form in late antiquity. These recognitions or rehabilitations are in their turn part of the contemporary re-evaluation of the full range of writing of late antiquity. As Optatian has come into view, now differently because of the changing sense of form, so too texts which have been treated by mainstream classical scholarship as marginal to aesthetics (Paulinus of Nola, say; Joseph and Aseneth; the first four books of the Palatine Anthology) require such re-evaluation. 






This is not simply a question of changing taste, or appropriating antiquity to modern trendy ideas. What I am seeking to do is to find a language of criticism to talk of the poetics of late antiquity that is capable of responding to the new social and political conditions of late antiquity and its new styles of literary production – and which does not merely reproduce the Hegelian teleology of the journey towards modernity, or the less grounded avatars of such teleology that insist on the secondariness or belatedness of the post-classical. Late antiquity, then, is the final term of my subtitle, and I will resist defining it with as much design as I have resisted offering a definition of form. Late antiquity, like form, is a critical term where the historicization of its development is crucial to its significance (it is a modern term, of course: no one knew they were living in late antiquity). It is well known that the nineteenth century’s obsession with both classical Greece and Republican Rome had the effect of creating a model of a literary and cultural Golden Age, which constructed later literature as epigonal (‘silver’, ‘corrupt’, ‘degenerate’ and so forth). 








The invention of the term Hellenistic (a process in which the historian Johann Gustav Droysen was instrumental), and its application to a period of history created a stadial interstice between classical and imperial Greek, in the same way as ‘Silver Latin’ became a foil to ‘Golden Latin Artistry’.  From the nineteenth to the twentieth century, the increasing separation of classical studies and theology, and the concomitant ideologically charged and aggressively regulated distanciation between the Christian texts of antiquity and the texts of dominant Greco-Roman culture, institutionalized a double and doubly distorted vision of ancient Greek and Latin writing. Such a vision – and its normative basis is clear enough, if immensely complicated in its institutional praxis and intellectual functioning – drove a wedge between Christian or Jewish writing and other writing in the ancient city, and oversimplified affiliations into ‘Christian’, ‘Jewish’, ‘Pagan’, where boundaries were in reality not only more fluid than such simple and rigid terminology suggests, but also policed in quite different ways in different times, places and communities. What is more, curricula – and the scholarly work that fed such curricula – put fences also between what came to be ossified as the medieval and the ancient. ‘Late antiquity’ has developed most recently as a critical term in order to cross those boundaries productively.









 In terms of periodization, although arguments have continued to simmer about its range of dates and topography, late antiquity as an idea requires a recognition of a continuum between the Empire, the gradually Christianized Empire, and the medieval era (and the interactions that took place not only across the Empire but also with a world beyond the boundaries of the Empire). Particularly in the West, where Latin provides an unbroken tradition through to the Renaissance (and beyond, it might be claimed), rupture – even and especially in the Foucauldian sense – has come to seem a modern imposition on more complex patterns of tradition, inheritance and gradual transformation. Even in the Greek East too, where as late as the twelfth century in Byzantium, novels were being written in homage to the novels of the imperial era, themselves replete with Homeric and other literary heritages, Byzantium’s rediscovery of Hellenism is being seen as an intricate process of constructed tradition.






 Equally importantly, the term late antiquity has allowed studies that have reconnected the intermeshed world of the cities and literary cultures of the first six centuries of the common era. From Clement in Alexandria negotiating classical literature for a Christian readership and Christian writing for a non-Christian audience (or Philo, earlier, for Jews), through Josephus bringing Jewish scriptures in a fully Hellenized mode to a Roman audience, to Jerome struggling with his love of Cicero, or Augustine with his passion for Virgil, or Synesius converting to become a bishop but never deserting Plato, through to the Palatine Anthology collecting Christian and very unChristian epigrams in tenthcentury Byzantium, the interfaces and interactions between intellectuals of different and often complexly fissured affiliations have become a key way of understanding the milieu of ancient culture.








 The extremist, separatist, ideologues – Christian, Jewish or pagan – are not so much the norm, as a violent and loud cry against the mixed and fluid society in which they usually found themselves. Late antiquity is a polemical term, then, designed to recalibrate a scholarly perception of the transformation of the Roman Empire into a Christian institution, and its continuation into Medieval Europe. As Herzog has outlined, how late antiquity has been conceptualized is formed by a teleology of modernity, an Hegelian inheritance.






 I have given ‘late antiquity’ as a marker in my subtitle, partly because the majority of the material discussed in the book is late imperial (to use a traditional chronological schema), but it will become immediately clear that late antiquity is used with an even more lax sense of temporality than usual. The six chapters travel across much of Greek and Latin literature – it is hard to write about any Greek without thinking about Homer – but the primary focus of each chapter includes texts that may be as early as the first century and run as late as the tenth century (as Garth Fowden encourages us, my scope runs the millennium from ‘Augustus to ... Avicenna’ ). 










But each chapter is also concerned with the construction of tradition, both in the writing of a text and in its circulation – how texts are located in a sense of time by writers and readers. It is for me important that a text such as the pseudepigraphic Joseph and Aseneth, subject of the fifth chapter, which may have been first written even before the first century, takes on its significance (also) as it is re-read and rewritten in different communities especially across the next six centuries, as it circulates and is reformulated; its treatment by scholars in the twentieth century also reveals a great deal about the continuing, ideologically inflected religious reframing of antiquity (the condition in response to which late antiquity became a potent affordance of critical discourse). 







So, too, the Palatine Anthology, a collection of the tenth century CE is replete with epigrams from the third century BCE onwards, and in its palimpsestic reordering is thus also layered with a history of aesthetics as well as its own contemporary agenda. One difficulty – or delight – when working with these late antique texts is that any attempt to specify a temporally bound cultural moment always has to take a detour through the active construction of tradition, in affiliation and distanciation from the texts and perspectives of the past.






 The logic of spolia requires such a dynamic and shifting gaze – to recognize a triumph of contemporary assertion that is nonetheless made up out of the fragmentation and reconstruction of the privileged paradigms of the past. Late antiquity offers a particularly rich example of how being of one’s own time demands such a complex positionality. I use the term ‘late antiquity’ in my subtitle, therefore, not just to indicate the predominance of later texts in this book, but also to mark the book’s commitment to acknowledging the impact of a fissile and competitive cultural frame for the production and consumption of these texts. 








This is a self-positioning of the book as a contribution to a reading practice informed not just by Reception Theory but also by new studies of manuscript transmission and the performativity of literary texts within divisive, dissenting and multiple affirmative social and cultural frames. ‘Late antiquity’ is intended to cue a world where Christians, Jews and so-called pagans cohabited in real or imaginary proximity, and developed their thinking in (real or imaginary) dynamic interaction between communities, and where affiliation – what allows someone to be called or call themselves a Christian or a Jew or a Greek or a Roman – can flare between aggressive and aggressively policed self-determination and a far more labile and uncertain commitment, normed by a long tradition of civic life, imperial structures, and the exigencies of a society undergoing significant social, political and religious transformation. Amid such a hybrid social mix, there were also groups who formed or projected communities that were stridently separatist, culturally, intellectually and physically (such as the Essenes in Palestine, say). 






Yet even in the case of the nascent rabbinical communities, the Jewish intellectuals instrumental in the formation of the Talmud and represented in it, how rigorously ignorant of the surrounding and dominant cultures their writing can remain is a vexed issue, for them and for subsequent generations of scholars, where all too often contemporary ideological understandings of social or intellectual separation (or purity) affect scholarly analysis.








 Many of the texts to be discussed in this book are not regularly included in the curricula of classics courses, even on late antiquity. Part of the aim of the book is to see how such texts also contribute to our understanding of the cultural politics of late antiquity – to see the poetics of late antiquity in its full richness and variety. The book is entitled ‘Preposterous Poetics’ after the fourth chapter, which looks specifically at Nonnus. Nonnus of Panopolis – the most influential Greek poet of the fifth century – captures much of what excites me about this era. Nonnus wrote a forty-eight-book epic, the Dionysiaca, which is a wild and rambunctious epic about the pagan god Dionysus. Its flair for interlocked and overlapping narratives, its bold redrafting of Homeric idiom, and its sexy, aggressive, conflict-strewn storyline was strikingly influential on later antique poetry – and is fundamental for understanding the temporality of narrative in late antiquity. What makes such an epic all the more remarkable is that Nonnus’ other great work is a Paraphrase of the Gospel of John – into hexameters, full of philosophical phrasing.






 That is, Nonnus’ Paraphrase takes the koinê Greek of the Gospels – the simple language of the people (a deeply freighted idea, for sure) – and turns it into the highest cultural language of Homeric verse, the highly artificial poetic tradition of , years earlier, which he further recreates and re-versifies as the language of philosophical thought. Nonnus typifies the cultural battles over the registers of Christianity in late antiquity. How does Christianity relate to what it dismissed as paganism, while relying on the institutions, literature and language of the Empire it had taken over? How does the privileged language of ‘paganism’ find a place within the new structures of Christian cultural value?









 How philosophical, how simple, is the language of Christianity to be? How is his self-positioning, his affiliation, enacted between an epic on a pagan god and a theologically informed verse redraft of a Gospel? How, in short, is such literary writing to find its place in time, and thus contribute to the cultural expression of the era? The term ‘preposterous’ is used – it is a good example of the search for a new language for late antique poetics – to indicate specifically how Nonnus’ epic writing embodies a practice and theory of temporality. It marks how – under pressure, I argue, from Christian theorizations of time and practices of typological reading – Nonnus is prepared to imagine a world where mythic narratives swirl into versions of each other, where the chronology of these narratives becomes easily reversed so that the stories of the before come after, and where what has not yet happened is always already prequelled in the narratives of the past or the here and now. Hence – with due regard to the etymology of the term – the choice of ‘preposterous’. 






The preposterous is, the chapter argues, a mark of Nonnus’ specifically late antique Dionysiac poetics. Nonnus, then, is a hero of this book. But in his case above all, it will also be apparent that this book makes no claim to exhaustive or comprehensive coverage. It is designedly essayistic: a short book on a large topic. Each of the six chapters introduces and explores a particular, major problem of the aesthetics and politics of form in late antiquity, and each does so through a particular and selective range of texts – from what is, after all, by far the biggest archive of Greek and Latin from antiquity. (There is more imperial Greek epic than epic from all other periods put together.) 






There are, however, also many links between the thematic concerns of the different chapters. Some I have already mentioned. So, the poetics of scale – how big or how small a poem should be, what is the aesthetic impact of such condensation or expansion – returns in the relation between epic, epyllion and epigram that runs through the first four chapters. If Homer can be ‘in a nutshell’, what of a love story? How much culture do you need to be cultured? What form of attention does the miniature demand? The poetics of fragmentation – the dissolute poetics of the epyllion, the discrete refusal of interconnectedness in an anthology, the disjunctive narrative argumentation of the Talmud – fragmentation, that is, as an exercise in form, links especially Chapters ,  and . How coherent and thus formative is the past? 







The corollary effort to construct a cultural tradition and fit one’s own work into it is an area of contested cultural self-assertion that is evident in each chapter, and is especially important in the interfaces between professed Christian, Jewish and ‘pagan’ literature (where tradition becomes a particular battle-ground for cultural dominance). The dismissiveness with which much of the literature of late antiquity has been treated by modern scholars is also prompted by the self-consciousness of the weight of tradition demonstrated by the texts of late antiquity themselves, always ready to see themselves in time: what makes the texts of late antiquity in their own eyes modern is explicitly raised in Chapter , and the sense of a fragmented and precarious tradition in and against which the performance of self-positioning tales place, echoes through all the chapters. How narrative time is reorganized by the vectors of Christianity and rabbinical Judaism, even in texts which appear to eschew any direct gestures of religious affiliation, dominates the last three chapters. That the organization of narrative time should follow from a heightened concern with a fragmentation of tradition should seem self-evidently significant. 








The mode of ecphrasis, as alluded to earlier, becomes a fundamental form through which the question of what perspective is to be taken on the culture of the past is articulated in late antiquity: how to see, and how to write what one sees, is a question of what perspective is to be taken on the art-work: how to direct a vision of what matters. In each case of these thematic nexuses, the question of the aesthetics of form leads directly and necessarily to a cultural politics of form: this is how literary form becomes a contributing and normative element of Lebensform. Form becomes an engaged performance of cultural self-positioning. Such literary writing plays a crucial role, it is argued, thus, in the cultural and political transformations of late antiquity: this is how aesthetics and politics are mutually implicative. Preposterous Poetics: The Aesthetics and Politics of Form in Late Antiquity aims, then, to use a specific lens – that of shifting ideas of form in late antiquity (and in contemporary criticism) – to explore how literary works contribute to the social and cultural transformations of the era. 




The book insists that the aesthetic and the political collaborate in such transformations: that literary form contributes to the making of Lebensform – not just as a general claim, but specifically with regard to the developments of late antiquity that have been so crucial to the ongoing history of Western culture. That so many of the texts I will discuss have not been made fully a part of the discussion of how late antiquity takes shape is regrettable testimony, this book argues, to the impoverishment of the understanding of it that has resulted from previous generations of disregard, especially of the role of its Greek literature in such cultural transformations. These essays are intended to contribute, then, to an ongoing debate about how the culture of late antiquity develops and why literary form matters in such a historical process.











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Simon Goldhill








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