الثلاثاء، 13 أغسطس 2024

Download PDF | Lara Frentrop - The Art of Dining in Medieval Byzantium (Studies in Byzantine Cultural History)-Routledge (2023).

Download PDF | Lara Frentrop - The Art of Dining in Medieval Byzantium (Studies in Byzantine Cultural History)-Routledge (2023).

189 Pages 





The Art of Dining in Medieval Byzantium 

Thousands of intact ceramic bowls and plates as well as fragments made in the ­medieval Byzantine empire survive to this day. Decorated with figural and ­non-figural imagery applied in a variety of techniques and adorned with colourful paints and glazes, the vessels can tell us much about those who owned them and those who looked at them. In addition to innumerable ceramic vessels, a handful of precious metal bowls and plates survive from the period. Together, these objects make up the art of dining in medieval Byzantium. This art of dining was effervescent, at turns irreverent and deadly serious, visually stunning and fun. It is suggestive of ways in which those viewing the objects used a quotidian and ­biologically necessary (f)act – that of eating – to reflect on their lives and deaths, their aspirations and their realities. 





This book examines the ceramic and metal vessels in terms of the information offered on the foods eaten, the foods desired and their status; the spectacle of the banquet; the relationship between word and image in medieval Byzantium; the dangers of taste; the emergence of new moral and social ideals; and the use of dining as a tool in constructing and enforcing hierarchy. This book is of appeal to scholarly and non-scholarly audiences interested in the art and material culture of the medieval period and in the social history of food and eating.






 Lara Frentrop completed her PhD at The Courtauld Institute of Art, London, and has since held lecturing and research roles at The Courtauld Institute and Heidelberg University, Germany. Her research explores how the interactive experience – from physical to rhetorical – of the material culture and architecture of medieval Byzantium created meaning and identity. Her work focuses on themes including communication and relationships, both human and divine; rhetoric; performativity; sin and salvation; and body and space.





Introduction 

A twelfth-century silver-gilt bowl discovered near the town of Berezov in Russia in 1967 and now in the State Hermitage Museum, St Petersburg is intricately decorated with incised and relief images. The vessel is small, measuring less than twelve centimetres high and twenty centimetres wide. It has a bulbous body that is worked from two sheets of metal joined at its lip. In its decoration, the vessel brings together different colours and textures of metal – silver, silver-gilt and niello and raised and incised – and a broad range of subject matter, only gradually revealed through using, handling and moving the vessel. The silver-gilt exterior is worked in tiers of small, tightly stacked medallions with an arched shape (fig. 2.3). The medallions show entertainers and birds, felines and hybrids and flowers worked in repoussé. Details are articulated in punched dots and incised lines. 









The little fields containing individual figures are topped by a rim that depicts animals circling the vessel in pursuit of one another, alternating with trees that anchor the scene in a landscape. The interior of the vessel is made up of a smooth sheet of silver that at the vessel’s bottom bears an incised gilded image of St George on horseback.1 On the vessel’s exterior, the top row of medallions is the only one to show human figures. It represents musicians seated on the floor cross-legged and playing the drum, flute, tambourine and string instruments. The musicians are interspersed with acrobats and somersaulting tumblers and striding male figures, probably representing dancers. Together, they depict the entertainments enjoyed in the Byzantine cultural sphere and beyond, whether in private or public and religious or secular settings.2 The figures surround two medallions that show cupbearers. 








The first is standing upright, his body turned slightly to his left and holding a cup in his hand; the second, who is turned to his right, is in the process of pouring a drink from a full-bodied vessel. The two cupbearers flank a medallion showing a seated half-length figure (fig. 4.2) that through its representation is marked out as different from the entertainers and attendants surrounding it, and as central to the scene depicted in the top row of medallions. While the performers and cupbearers are shown in full length, as physically active and turned slightly away from the viewer, the central figure is depicted in a half-length format, in a comparatively static pose and facing the viewer frontally – although this figure, too, is avoiding eye contact with the viewer. The seated figure is firstly a female and secondly dressed in Byzantine imperial garments, contrasting with both the gender and the dress of those surrounding her. 








This signals differences in both status and behaviour. Most importantly, the figure is a participant at a banquet. This is indicated by the table in front of her on which are resting a small goblet and two round objects, possibly bread or plates, and the two cupbearers flanking her. The image hints that the object on which it is depicted played an important role at the dinner table of its owner, both in terms of its display as a work of art and its functional purpose as a drinking vessel. The vessel from Berezov, a bowl or cup decorated with a multitude of images, is part of the art of dining.3 The medieval Byzantine art of dining is a treasure trove of information about the lives, dreams and fears of its audience. It is the material culture of banqueting, the objects that were used during a meal – rather than depictions of communal meals, which express dogmatic truths and iconographic formulae rather than reality – that enables us to take a seat at the middle Byzantine dinner table.4 It was part of the ‘everyday life’ of individuals living across the Byzantine empire in its geographical and socio-economic breadth, offering access to a part of their existence that – at least in comparison to religious life in the empire – remains relatively unstudied.5 And yet, it has received little attention, its analysis restricted by disciplinary and material boundaries. 








There are thousands of intact ceramic bowls and plates as well as fragments of vessels made in the Byzantine empire, uncovered during archaeological excavations in modern-day Greece and Turkey and in shipwrecks across the Mediterranean and now held in collections across the world. Decorated with figural and non-figural imagery applied in a variety of techniques and adorned with colourful paints and glazes, the vessels can tell us much about those who owned them and those who looked at them. They offer information on the foods eaten, the foods desired and their status; the spectacle of the banquet; the relationship between word and image in medieval Byzantium; the dangers of taste; the emergence of new moral and social ideals; and the use of dining as a tool in constructing and enforcing hierarchy. 









In addition to innumerable ceramic vessels, a handful of precious metal bowls and plates made of silver and silver-gilt and discovered in remote regions of Eurasia, such as the vessel from Berezov, survive from the medieval period.6 These are of an uncertain and often disputed place of manufacture, though where they were made is less relevant here. What is of interest is their imagery, which spans from scenes of entertainment and dining to depictions of fight and triumph and even scenes of otherworldly punishments. The images depicted on the precious metal objects bear strong similarities to the themes found on glazed ceramic vessels. They are interconnected with rhetorical and visual trends occurring in the Byzantine empire at the time of the making of the metal vessels – the eleventh and twelfth centuries – suggesting that this is where they could and would have been viewed and understood. The ceramic and silver vessels make up the art of dining, which was effervescent, at turns irreverent and deadly serious, visually stunning and fun. 









It is suggestive of ways in which those living in the medieval Byzantine empire used a quotidian and biologically necessary (f)act – that of eating – to reflect on their lives and deaths, their aspirations and their realities. The artworks can offer up valuable information about their specific context of use, that of the Byzantine dining table, and the important role that its art played at all social levels in constructing and displaying fluid messages about economic, social and cultural identity. The artworks’ role at the table also raises the question of the ways in which practices of dining, including visual, material and intellectual cultures, participated in wider cultural developments. The ceramic and precious metal objects viewed at the table articulate related social and cultural concepts at the heart of this book: an interest in food and its conspicuous display; the theatre of the banquet; the use of the visual forms of rhetorical tropes to create layered and fluid meaning; warnings against sensory overindulgence and the new ideals of manliness and triumph that emerged during the eleventh and twelfth centuries. To understand the social, cultural and intellectual context of communal eating in medieval Byzantium, 










I shall explore the role of food consumption and its material culture and the relationship between the two. Food, from the staples of the Byzantine to complex and unusual dishes, held meaning, encoded in its presentation and its preparation. This was displayed and enhanced through vessels of tableware, their material, their shape and their decoration. The pursuit of novelty and artifice in the presentation of culinary creations at the dining table and changes in ceramic consumption hold important clues to the changing perception of food during the middle Byzantine period and the role of tableware and the dining context in constructing and articulating social and cultural identity. Where and how food was consumed, the food itself, and the images viewed on tableware but also on walls and in other media reveal new facets of communal life and dining in medieval Byzantium. 









The bowls, plates and chafing dishes studied here were made between the eleventh and early thirteenth century. This is a particularly interesting period to look at as it witnessed the most pronounced changes in the shape and decoration of ceramic vessels especially. These changes indicate that the role and perception of these objects transformed during this period, spurred on by new aesthetic and culinary tastes. From the eleventh century onwards, a marked increase took place in the production and consumption of glazed ceramics, indicating that the use of ceramic tableware became more common. It also suggests that greater interest was taken by both potters and consumers in the decoration of the vessels and in the display of food contained in them. It is however worth noting that even glazed ceramics, the arguably more ‘democratic’ medium of dining, did not reach all parts and audiences of the empire. This is suggested by both the number of glazed vessels in relation to unglazed ones, which continued to dominate archaeological finds especially in rural contexts, and by archaeological excavations in and surveys of smaller settlements in the countryside. But for surprisingly large swathes of the Byzantine population across an unprecedented socio-economic spectrum, these centuries mark the period when ‘the art of dining’ took off and took on an increasingly important role in the context of the communal meal. It was not only the images on the objects that were invested with meaning – the shape, the colour and the texture of the tableware in many cases were carefully designed to heighten the meaning of the imagery. The majority of the ceramic vessels I examine displays figural imagery; the decoration on the precious metal vessels is exclusively figural.7 












What does the imagery and the material of the art of dining mean, if anything at all? How does the significance of the images impact on their surroundings, and how do the surroundings of the images shift their interpretation in turn? What is the connection between material and meaning? And how are the objects used to structure and even subvert social relationships, hierarchy and identity? These are some of the key questions that I shall address to show that Byzantine meals, and the art present during them, were anything but boring. The study of the art of dining has been limited for a range of reasons, some practical, others methodological. Food and eating it in medieval Byzantium are a substantial and growing area of study. More often than not, it is the practicalities of food and eating, rather than visual culture, that receive most attention. The focus tends to be on historical, anthropological and archaeological material that can explain how certain foodstuffs were grown, transported and exchanged, on eating implements and on food morality.8 Individual chapters, articles and essays have been dedicated to the visual culture of dining and to a handful of objects associated with the dinner table.9 Some existing works are methodologically problematic: they accept the idea that Byzantine images can be read as accurate depictions of real life. Because of the nature of these publications, dedicated to a single object or theme, they shine a spotlight on specific aspects of the art of dining. This however fails to illuminate just how much of a multivalent, nuanced and rich genre this really is. Taking a broader material and historical approach allows to uncover how it changed over the course of a few centuries in response to new tastes and ideas, and just how enmeshed the dining table was with other areas of Byzantine life. 









The images on display and as such used at the dining table played a crucial role in the creation and display of status, relationships and identity. They incorporated practices such as the contemplation of death and the Last Things, which played an important role in communal and individual worship, and contributed to forming trends also present in other genres and spaces such as rhetoric and the imperial court. The art of dining does not exist in a vacuum but instead as part of a network – of objects and images, of conversations, of social interactions and spaces. The different materials of surviving tableware pose their own sets of challenges. Though it is painting with a broad brush and the field is ever changing, it is not incorrect to say that archaeologists have tended to ignore Byzantine pottery because it is the stuff in the way while digging down to the more ‘interesting’ material (as evidenced by the lacunae in the recording of the find spots and stratigraphy of the medieval objects in some excavations, particularly those of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries). In the same vein, art historians can be dismissive of Byzantine ceramic tableware because of the poor state of preservation of some objects and the crude nature of the manufacture of others – in short, because it is not ‘art’.10 For the pottery tableware, the sheer quantity in which it survives is daunting. The selection of what to publish, in catalogues of individual collections or thematically structured exhibitions, and of what to show to the public is in itself a judgement of value both artistic and material, with certain contingents of the material deemed just not worth the effort. 











Those that do make the cut are rarely if ever approached in terms of what they, as the art present at the dining table of individuals living in the Byzantine empire, can tell us about this aspect of Byzantine art and life and its impact beyond the banquet. The bowls and plates made of silver and silver-gilt are far less numerous than their ceramic counterparts. Their origin is disputed, their access through museums and publications difficult as a result of display, history and language.11 Studying them together with contemporary Byzantine ceramic tableware reveals the similarities between the two materials, their shared iconography and themes pointing towards the same concerns and interests. Re-contextualising these objects at the banqueting table, as part of the art of dining, allows to treat them as works with agency and an active role and thereby to uncover their significance more fully. In some ways, the meaning of the images on the art of dining seems obvious and even literal. If a ceramic bowl shows a fish, then surely said bowl was used to serve fish at table? But while the images on some objects can seem simple, both in their significance and their appearance, they are not. Nor are they merely one-to-one illustrations of their contents and their surroundings. Instead, they are an eloquent if not loquacious form of commentary on anything and everything from the food to the guests. They even point out their own thing-ness, for example through paint dripping down the edge of a chafing dish, mimicking the dripping of the sauce contained inside the vessel. 









The images are in vivid conversation with developments occurring in other areas of Byzantine life including but not limited to culinary and aesthetic tastes and the desire for novelty. They respond to the popularity of rhetorical games and add their own ludic contribution to the dinner table. The images display their own take on the entertainments of the banquet and reveal the delight taken by their audiences in the pursuit of sensory pleasure. They participate in the emergence of new ideals of behaviour and offer visual rebukes for those who do not meet the bar. The objects and their decoration are rich in subtext and operate within a network of intertextuality. The meaning of images varied depending on who saw them, who they were and what they knew, and on whether they were viewed individually or in combination with other scenes. The imagery on ceramic vessels often centres on a single decorative element such as a figure playing an instrument, a lone animal or an individual squaring off against a dragon-serpent. While these images and the objects they are depicted on carry meaning on their own, this could have been modified, combined and re-combined ad infinitum as part of a dinner set. 











A hare with a siren is not the same as the hare with a hunter; a dancer with a musician is not the same as a dancer with a military man. By changing the selection of vessels on display during a meal, those picking the tableware had the choice of making fun of their guests, scaring them or flattering them – provided the combination of vessels was not haphazard. In addition to a first attempt at interpretation by the host, another round of creating meaning would have taken place each time an individual guest looked at the objects, bringing their own sets of experience and agency. As a result, the meaning of each object is nuanced and continuously shifting. Over a relatively constrained time period, from the eleventh to the first half of the thirteenth century, the objects of tableware – the art of dining – display images that are shared across materials, geographies and socio-economic spheres. Some iconographic themes that I shall discuss such as animals and fighting men form the most frequently occurring subjects on tableware made and used in a wide range of places, from central Greece to Asia Minor. The shared themes are important for two crucial, interconnected reasons. First, they indicate that cultural developments predominantly associated with the imperial sphere and the capital of Constantinople in fact took place much more widely and across the social spectrum.12 










The imagery on ceramic tableware in particular highlights the central role played by the middling and lower classes in the formation and dispersion of cultural trends including visual, discursive and social. Second, new themes such as that of the heroic, fighting man appear around the same time on works in both clay and metal. This undermines the perceived hierarchy of materials, where it is held that innovation occurs in the more ‘expensive’ medium and then arrives at the cheaper end in a trickle-down effect.13 The ceramic art of dining was not a passive participant in and recipient of wider developments but instead an active agent in their shaping and diffusion. It seems that cultural, visual and artistic trends in the Byzantine empire were a lot more ‘democratic’ than has previously been assumed, with ceramics the key to unlocking a unique, and redefining perspective on Byzantine life and culture. Nonetheless, ceramics are everyday objects, in the sense that they are involved in the consumption of food – though this does not mean that they were ‘banal’, ‘cheap’ or ‘without value’. Making ceramics was difficult and technically challenging, and firing the vessels was expensive. Byzantine ceramicists were technologically innovative and appropriated techniques and motifs from other cultures, including Italy, China and the Islamic World, as the developing and changing roster of ceramic wares during the Middle Ages reveals.14 Nor does the relative inexpensiveness of pottery in relation to precious metal equate to the fact that only the lower and middle classes bought and displayed decorated ceramic tableware, or that ceramics were considered as without value. The wide breadth of ceramic products in terms of quality and style should be understood as an indicator of its social and economic fluidity and its competitiveness in the market of tablewares. 































































Most of imported lead-glazed Incised Sgraffito and Champlevé wares excavated at Sagalassos in southwestern Turkey were found to have repair holes – a practice previously attested in other middle Byzantine ceramic assemblages.15 It seems that repairing broken glazed pottery with lead thread was a common practice during the period; the repair, in turn, indicates that a vessel was valued by its owner. The technological ambition demonstrated by ceramic tableware, the visual appeal of its colours and glazes and its continued appreciation by its owners makes it plausible that ceramic vessels were used and displayed in homes alongside and as part of an elite dinner service. Documentary and literary sources attest that these could also include precious metal and tinned vessels, and in the imperial palace rock crystal and gem-encrusted plates and vessels. Near irrespective of budget, whether rich, poor or somewhere in the middle, a buyer would have found a decorated vessel to suit his or her taste and needs. This means that the art of dining and especially the ceramics viewed at the dinner table are perhaps the medium that can give us an insight into the broadest cross-section of Byzantine society, from the poor and rural to the wealthy, powerful and urban. The material and the manufacture of the art of dining was invested with significance in and of itself. The shining lustre of the glazes used in the making of pottery and the gleam of gold and silver caught the eye of those around them and communicated wealth and sophistication. It spoke of jockeying for position within social groups and the role of material culture in this process. The makers of the objects exploited the technological tools at their availability to create different colours, shapes and textures to heighten the visual impact made by the vessels. Often, the appearance of the material of a vessel was manipulated to support its primary purpose – the applied relief figures on chafing dishes, crowding the exterior of the vessels, evoke the hustle and bustle of the performances accompanying a banquet and even produce comedic effects through surprise and laughter. Gold and silver tableware was considered especially suitable to carry images of military triumph and imperial power and was the preferred medium for scaring opponents into submission. On glazed ceramics, the presence of figural imagery satisfied a new appetite for aesthetic novelty at the dinner table and the increasing and deliberate care taken in the display of food. The placing of decoration in hard-to-see places prompted their users to handle and move them and thereby furthered the interactive and communicative nature of the banquet as well as the drama of viewing the objects. 










Material culture played a central role in constructing and enhancing the meaning of the components of the banquet. One of the most frequently occurring iconographies on tableware made of both clay and metal depicts animals, either on their own or in groups. Plates and bowls show birds, wild game, felines and fish, which correspond to some of the most commonly consumed foodstuffs at the Byzantine table. The staples of the Byzantine diet were relatively simple, with grains, legumes and vegetables playing a central role. The eleventh and twelfth centuries were a period during which the Byzantines’ attitudes towards food and foodstuffs underwent significant changes, with evidence pointing towards a ‘greater desire for sumptuous meals and a greater availability of different foodstuffs’ in the twelfth century.16 Elaborate and composite dishes were considered as the most desirable and carried a complex symbolism. The taste for these dishes is signalled by medieval Byzantine tableware, which in addition to the rota of hares, lions and birds displays combinations of rarer and even mythical creatures, including hybrids and monsters. These are allegorical representations of the novel culinary creations that brought together earth, sky and sea and were designed to stun and astonish those eating them and those looking at them. One of the most important purposes of the vessels used at the Byzantine dinner table was to attract the eyes of diners and to produce sensations of awe. 







This was achieved first through the visual and physical qualities of the objects and second through the way they were brought to the table. The glaze and paint covering the vessels of ceramic tableware were exactly the point, practically and aesthetically. The glazing of pottery fulfilled a practical purpose, sealing the surface of a vessel to enable it to hold liquids. But it was the aesthetic qualities of glazed pottery that cemented its desirability, with the visual properties of the techniques used in glazed pottery exploited and explored by both the makers and users of ceramic tableware to create the theatre of dining. Viewers were invited to decipher the imagery, with its meaning accentuated, altered and subverted through the placement of colour and glaze. The glistening and shining qualities of gold and silver tableware encrusted with gems and pearls were deliberately deployed in banqueting contexts to produce sensations of awe through visual splendour. The reflective properties of the materials used for tableware, emphasising colour and decoration, were a determining factor in the use and display of both metal and ceramic tableware. The way in which food was presented to guests at banquets was heavily orchestrated and stage-managed – certainly at the imperial court but also in other contexts. The medieval Byzantine dining table was a locus for suspense, animation and delight. The theatrical, spectacular nature of the banquet was heightened through the entertainments that surrounded the diners. 









These ranged from musicians, dancers and acrobats, as I will discuss, to language and words in the shape of rhetoric and communication. Together, these aspects of the middle Byzantine banquet stimulated the senses of their participants – from food and taste, to the hearing and seeing of images, movement, music and language. The presence of these performers on ceramic and metal tableware reveals that eating, music and dance were closely interconnected in the creation of the splendour and surprise of the banquet in houses across a broad social spectrum, as the material and cost spectrum of the objects suggests. The performance of music during the theatre of the banquet allowed participants to engage in a ‘higher’ form of sensory perception, perhaps to offset the (over)indulgence of taste, smell and touch that could accompany a meal. In images and descriptions of leisure, the presence of musicians appears to be closely tied to performances by acrobats and dancers. The presence of dancers could fulfil a range of functions, from salubrious entertainment to moral edification and triumphal messaging. One of the most important roles of both the dancers depicted on tableware and the dance that accompanied a banquet was to stimulate the senses of those present. Acrobats provided light-hearted entertainment, with mimes and jesters the focus of orchestrated humour within the Byzantine court and wealthy households. However, the function of acrobats at feasts was not restricted to comedy and laughter but also encompassed the display of superiority. Together, the material and visual properties of tableware, its images and the entertainments surrounding the objects played an important role in constructing the theatre of the dining table, designed to divert and impress guests. At the banquet, words were seen but also imagined. They were involved in the word play, the rhetoric and the communication essential to not only communal meals but also to medieval Byzantine society more generally. The often multivalent and eclectically combined images on medieval Byzantine tableware confront the viewer with a problem: how should the complex and often ambiguous imagery of the bowls and plates be interpreted? 













Is a single, coherent meaning intended by their decoration, or is the latter a jumble of meaningless scenery? The clue to their interpretation can be found in contemporary rhetorical strategies and performances. Riddles and ‘double-tonguedness’ prominently featured in twelfth-century rhetorical performances and works and even in material culture.17 Studying visual and rhetorical displays together can illuminate not only the interpretation of individual artworks but also the broader relationship in medieval Byzantium between rhetoric and the visual arts. The Byzantine banquet appears to be one of the settings outside of the religious context where sensory indulgence was actively pursued and even indulged. The engagement in and display of the activities of the banquet, from food to entertainment and tableware, acted as social markers that denoted sophistication and good taste. Good taste however could easily turn into bad taste – to maintain social norms and to ensure the salvation of one’s soul, it was crucial to not let indulgence turn into overindulgence, as I will move on to examine. It was enjoyment of food that posed a risk to an individual’s moral and physical well-being: the sense of taste was not only a vehicle for enjoyment but also for damnation. In addition to revealing whether an individual was of a good or bad character, food consumption in itself could constitute a sin. Decorated objects of tableware vividly illustrated what happened to those that perpetrated a sin, whether related to the table or not. They show beasts and monsters munching on (or disgorging) human body parts, with this imagery recalling contemporary depictions of the Last Judgement.18 The offences associated with food and eating ranged in type and gravity, from punishable offences in monastic refectories to overindulgence and, worst of all, gluttony. Gluttony as the excessive consumption of food and drink is intimately tied to the sense of taste and the lack of restraint in exploring the sensory delights offered by it. Eating, the sense of taste and the sin caused by its (over)indulgence are shown on contemporary works of art, including objects of tableware, to be the cause for the Fall of Adam and Eve, with the images designed to act as deterrents from similar behaviour. By representing scenes of vivid physical pain and punishment that were fluid in their specificity, the tableware used in the medieval Byzantine world encouraged reflections on mortality and on one’s own behaviour, admonishing the viewer to stay on the path of moral virtue. 










To avoid damnation, the art of dining offered its participants a number of recourses. In addition to the consideration of death while at the table, the art of dining encouraged its viewers to imitate the role models depicted on vessels and their behaviour. Images of men wearing armour and engaged in valiant battles on ceramic tableware reveal that these objects played a crucial role in the formation of a new male ideal that emerged during the Komnenian period – that of the heroic, manly man. The ‘manliness’ of these figures was intimately tied up in their activities, which provided opportunities for the demonstration of bravery and honour. They are shown hunting both game and dragons, alluding to contemporary thought that conceived of the hunt as a preparation for warfare. The presence of such imagery on ceramic vessels suggests that while hunting for leisure and glory may have been out of financial reach to much of the objects’ audiences, the activity of the hunt appealed to a wider range of social circles than often assumed. Representations of these kinds of men are one of the most frequently occurring iconographies on plates and bowls, highlighting the immense popularity enjoyed by this theme across a wide geographical and socio-economic range.











 The images emphasise military might and courage in the face of evil, a topos that appears prominently in popular literature but at the same time becomes associated closely with the emperor. Images of powerful fighters and successful hunters played an integral role in displays of power and triumph, so crucial to the identity of the upper classes, that took place in banqueting contexts. Nuanced and subtly encoded messages were constructed through pointed iconographies found on precious metal vessels that depicted specific historic and fictional events. They included the victorious campaigns of emperors, with the decorated tableware tactically deployed to further the humiliation of those they had vanquished. The material properties of the art of dining including the weight and colour of precious metal were used to further communicate the might of an object’s owner in combination with the way in which the artwork was presented to its viewers and users. 













Another subject used to communicate power and might was that of Alexander the Great, a triumphal ruler associated through visual and textual culture with the figure of the emperor. Alexander the Great is shown on a silver-gilt vessel, accompanied by scenes of leisure and pleasure. Re-contextualising depictions of pleasure, which accompany the images of triumphal rulers on metal tableware in particular, through contemporary discourse and art reveals that they held an alternative meaning that encoded specific nuances of power and triumph. This fluidity of meaning was central to the art of dining, with interpretations constructed and re-constructed discursively with each new and individual beholder.












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Download PDF | John Freely, Ahmet S. Çakmak - Byzantine Monuments of Istanbul-Cambridge University Press (2009).

Download PDF | John Freely, Ahmet S. Çakmak - Byzantine Monuments of Istanbul-Cambridge University Press (2009).

400 Pages 



This is the story of the Byzantine monuments of Istanbul, the city known in the medieval period as Constantinople and in classical antiquity as Byzantium. Constantinople was the capital of the Byzantine Empire from 330 until 1453 and was renowned for the beauty and grandeur of its churches and palaces. The extant Byzantine monuments of Istanbul include more than twenty churches, most notably Hagia Sophia, as well as the remains of the land and sea walls, the Hippodrome, imperial palaces, commemorative columns, reservoirs and cisterns, an aqueduct, a triumphal archway, and a fortified port. 






They are described here in chronological order and in the context of their times, through the political, religious, social, economic, intellectual, and artistic developments in the dynasties that came to power during the turbulent Byzantine Age. A major part of the architectural and artistic heritage of Byzantium, these monuments also serve as a link between the world of classical antiquity and the new epochs of early modern Europe and the Ottoman Empire. 






John Freely is professor of Physics at the University of the Bosphorus in Istanbul. He is distinguished author and coauthor of more than thirty books on travel, including the renowned Strolling through Istanbul and, more recently, Istanbul, the Imperial City and Inside the Seraglio. 






Ahmet S. Cakmak is professor emeritus in the Department of Civil Engineering and Operations Research at Princeton University. He has written extensively on aspects of Byzantine architecture and served as coeditor of Hagia Sophia: From the Age of Justinian to the Present. 





Introduction 

This is the story of the Byzantine monuments of Istanbul, the city known to the Greeks as Constantinople, the ancient Byzantium. Constantinople was, for more than a thousand years, capital of the Byzantine Empire, which in its earlier period, from the fourth to the sixth century, was synonomous with the Roman Empire. During those centuries, the religion of the empire changed from pagan to Christian and its language from Latin to Greek, giving rise to the culture that in later times was called Byzantine, from the ancient name of its capital. As the great churchman Gennadius was to say in the mid-fifteenth century, when the empire had come to an end, “Though I am a Hellene by speech yet I would never say that I was a Hellene, for I do not believe as Hellenes believe. 









I should like to take my name from my faith, and if anyone asks me what I am, I answer, ‘A Christian’ Though my father dwelt in Thessaly, I do not call myself a Thessalian, but a Byzantine, for I am of Byzantium.”’ The surviving Byzantine monuments of Istanbul include more than a score of churches, most notably Hagia Sophia. Other extant monuments include the great land walls of the city and fragments of its sea walls; the remains of two or three palaces; a fortified port; three commemorative columns and the base of a fourth; two huge subterranean cisterns and several smaller ones; three enormous reservoirs; an aqueduct; a number of fragmentary ruins; and part of the Hippodrome, the city’s oldest monument and the only one that can surely be assigned to ancient Byzantium. Other remnants are preserved in the Istanbul Archaeological Museum, particularly in the galleries devoted to Istanbul through the Ages and Byzantium and Its Neighbors. Still more are preserved on a deeper level in the city itself, for the streets and squares of Istanbul are built on those of medieval Constantinople and even, in some cases, of ancient Byzantium. 










The monuments are described in chronological order as the history of the city unfolds. The first chapter is devoted to the ancient city of Byzantium, and the second describes the events that led Constantine the Great to shift his capital from Rome to Byzantium, which he rebuilt to create the new city of Constantinople in A.D. 330. The next five chapters follow the development of the city during the late Roman era, which can be said to end with the reign of Justinian I (r. 527-65), when the empire reached its peak. Subsequent chapters give an  account of the empire’s sharp decline in the medieval era, its slow recovery during the rule of the Macedonian and Comnenus dynasties, its near downfall in the Latin occupation of 1204-61, and the final two centuries of Byzantine Constantinople under the Palaeologus emperors, when Byzantium flourished in a last renaissance before its fall to the Ottoman Turks under Sultan Mehmet II in 1453. 










The ups and downs of the empire are reflected in the architectural history of the city, particulary that of its churches. The oldest, St. John of Studius, is a classical Roman basilica, the type used for the first purpose-built churches in the fourth and fifth centuries. The churches of Justinian’s reign — SS. Sergius and Bacchus, Hagia Sophia, and Hagia Eirene — belong to an extraordinary period of prolific and fruitful experiment in architectural forms, as if the architects were searching for new modes of expression for a new age. The decline of the empire in the medieval era is evidenced by an apparent total absence of building activity, for there are no extant churches in the city erected in the three centuries between the reigns of Justinian and Basil I (r. 867-86), founder of the Macedonian dynasty. That was also the time of the iconoclastic movement, when virtually all of the religious images in the churches of the city were destroyed.










 Iconoclasm ended a quarter of a century before the rise of the Macedonian dynasty, the beginning of the so-called Middle Byzantine period, when new churches were built and decorated with figurative mosaics. The churches of this period, including the years of the Comnenus dynasty, were smaller than those of earlier times and of a new type, the so-called cross-domed church. Such churches were also built in the Palaeologan revival after the Latin occupation. The dating of churches in the Middle and Late Byzantine periods is often difficult, particularly since most of them have been rebuilt on several occasions, though structures of the Palaeologan era can usually be distinguished by their highly decorative stonework. 








The Palaeologan era also produced the extraordinary mosaics and frescoes in the Church of Christ in Chora, the current Kariye Camii museum, the supreme achievement of the last Byzantine renaissance. Throughout the book, the monuments of the city are described in the context of their times — as part of the interrelated political, religious, social, economic, intellectual, and artistic developments that occurred during the principal dynasties that came to power over the long turbulent history of the Byzantine Empire. The monuments that they founded stand today as a major part of the architectural and artistic heritage of Byzantium, a link between the ancient Graeco-Roman world and the new worlds of Renaissance Europe and the Ottoman Empire. 








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Download PDF | Grabar Andre_The art of the Byzantine Empire, Byzantine Art in the Middle Ages (Art of the World), 1967.

Download PDF | Grabar Andre_The art of the Byzantine Empire, Byzantine Art in the Middle Ages (Art of the World), 1967.

225 Pages 




THE GEOGRAPHICAL AND HISTORICAL FRAMEWORK 

The aim of this book is to present and study Byzantine medieval art, the origins of which go back to the Iconoclasts (762-843), and which in principle stops with the fall of the East Christian Empire and the capture of Constantinople by the Turks in 1543. It is evident that these limits are somewhat theoretical. There were, before the year 726, works of Byzantine art which heralded the Middle Ages — and the disappearance of the Byzantine state in 1453 did not mean that at that date all artistic activity faithful to the Byzantine tradition ceased. We shall often be writing of the Byzantine traditions established before the Iconoclast period which maintained and renewed themselves during the period we are to study. 










It seems useful to state from the beginning that the history of Byzantine art during the period which stretches from the end of antiquity to the eve of modern times presents a far greater continuity than the history of Western art during the same period. We will explain later the reasons for this continuity. Nevertheless in Byzantium, as in the West, art as practised during the Middle Ages had its own characteristics, which it is useful and fair to separate from those of the art which was practised previously — between the reign of Constantine, who founded Constantinople in 330, and the beginnings of the Iconoclast crisis (330-726). It is entirely to medieval art that we are going to devote ourselves, re- turning to its origins only where it may help us to a better understanding of medieval Byzantine works and the artistic life of Constantinople during the Middle Ages.









 When one tries to imagine the territory over which the artistic works of the Byzantines stretched during the period we are studying, one naturally thinks of Constantinople, of Greece with its islands, and of the whole of the Mediterranean provinces around the capital on the Bosphorus. This summary description of the area in which Byzantine artists were active is not false, but it requires more precise definition. One must above all remember the essential fact that Byzantine territory itself and that of the area it influenced in mattersof art and culture did not remain the same between 726 and 1453.From the end of antiquity to the period of the foundation ofConstantinople, and again in the sixth century under Justinian andhis successors, the art which was to remain the basis of Byzantineart was practised, with fairly evident regional differences, in thewhole eastern half of the Roman Empire, which then stretched asfar as the Euphrates and upper Mesopotamia, and as far as theNubian desert in Egypt. The Arab conquest in the seventh centuryremoved Egypt, Syria and a part ofAsia Minor so that the ByzantineEmpire was reduced by halfand came to be concentrated around theGreek lands. It then became definitely hellenized and kept to thevery end that ethnic and cultural predominance of things Greek,tothe detriment of the Latin element which the Roman conquests hadestablished everywhere around the Mediterranean. It also dis-carded the Semitic elements which, after the annexation of thecountries of the Levant by Rome, had played an active part in thedevelopment of the empire. While the Arabs seized from Byzantium her rich provinces in theLevant, the Lombards reduced her Italian possessions and the Bulgars crossed the Danube and settled in the north-eastern Balkans,where Slav infiltration spread progressively, reaching the shores ofSalonika (Thessalonica) and the core of the oldest Greek provinces.At times Arabs, Khazars, and Bulgarians ventured as far as thegates of Constantinople and endangered the very existence of theByzantine state. 







The historical role of the emperors ofthe eighth andthe beginning of the ninth centuries was to have stopped these in-vasions, and to have ensured the survival of the Christian empireofByzantium. The attack against images which they launched at thesame time, undoubtedly with military reasons in mind (in ordertoensure the active participation of the Christians of eastern AsiaMinor — a frontier district, where the fate of the empire wasatstake), earned them the title of Iconoclasts. This sobriquet, althougha questionable one if we take into consideration the whole of theirwork, does however describe one particular aspect of their reign —their religious and artistic activities. We shall return to this point,only observing in passing their opposition as emperors to images an attitude taken up in defence of Byzantine territory at the period when it was most reduced. Their military successes, which were continued and increased during the rule of the Amorian (820-867) and particularly the Macedonian dynasty (867-1056), gave back to Byzantium a political stability which she was losing, and at the same time remarkable economic strength and great international prestige. 








For several centuries the empire of Constantinople again became the most important power in the Mediterranean world; but its territory was not significantly increased as compared with the Iconoclast period. There were of course brilliant reconquests in the tenth century7 , some temporary, others permanent, in the direction of Armenia, Syria and even Palestine, under Nicephorus Phocas and John Tzimisces, and other reconquests at the beginning of the eleventh century towards Bulgaria, Dalmatia and even southern Italy. But these territorial extensions of the empire — which play a part in the history of art through Byzantine institutions in these territories being brought back to the mother country — were not to be maintained. A terrible defeat of the Byzantine armies by the Turks in 1071 and the development of the Slav kingdoms in the Balkans in the twelfth century prevented Byzantium from holding on to them. So one can say that, from the fall of the Iconoclasts (843) to the end of the twelfth century, the area of Byzantine expansion remained essentially the same. Roughly speaking, it included on one hand all the territory between Dalmatia and the lower Danube, and on the other the southern extremity of the Greek archipelago, as well as the western part of Asia Minor and its coastal regions, up to and including Trebizond in the north and Antioch in the south. During the twelfth century the territorial problems of the Byzantine state became complicated by frequent campaigns against the Serbian and particularly Norman kings, and by the Crusaders crossing and sometimes fighting their way through the countries of the Byzantine empire. 









They even carved out for themselves fiefs in the Antioch area, whereas the Armenian princes, who had taken refuge from the Turks, made of the Byzantine province of Cilicia a 'little Armenia'. But for the study of art the passage to and fro of foreign armies, the political insecurity, and the more or less short lived changes in sovereignty which they brought about in oneorother of the frontier provinces, are of little importance. For in allthese territories within the area just described, quite independentlyof the politico-geographical fluctuations, it was the same Byzantineart that was invariably practised, whether it was executed by theByzantines themselves or by those who tried, and often succeeded,in displacing them politically from these provinces. In other words, from the point of view of artistic geography, Byzantium enjoyed such a true predominance in culture and in technicalskills, and such prestige in the artistic field, that the area of itsartistic expansion spread constantly beyond the frontiers of theByzantine state. The main agents of this expansion were the GreekChristians established in foreign countries — and the foreignChristians converted by Byzantine missions. This was the case inSyria, Armenia and southern Italy on one hand, and in Georgia andthe Slav countries on the other.









 The mission to the Slavs wasparticularly fruitful from this point of view. If politically, during theperiod under review, the territory of the Byzantine Empire in-creased only occasionally and then for a short time, it did howeverundergo an extraordinary expansion between the end of the ninthand the end of the tenth centuries, following the religious conquestof all the Balkan countries, and of the whole of Russia. This timeitwas the field of religious (not political) conquest which served as abackground to the widespread influence of art. If there is one spherewhere the progress of Byzantium is a reality, and compensates forso many territorial withdrawals since the seventh century, it is in thefield of art. From the ninth century onwards the Orthodox religion,directed with a firm hand by the Church of Constantinople, wasanimportant vehicle in the spreading of this art beyond the bordersofthe Byzantine state. It was to continue to play this role, even to anenhanced extent, during the periods when the political power of theByzantine state suffered an eclipse. We must here note this fact, which is an important one for appreciating the exceptional part played by Byzantine art in theMiddle Ages. But in this book we shall only concern ourselves withtruly Byzantine works, reserving the study of art in the differentcountries of Eastern Europe for another volume in this series.












It is from the twelfth century onwards that one witnesses the divorce between the Byzantine state and the art which it had promoted, the immense territorial extent of the latter having no common measure with the very reduced territory of the empire under the Comneni and the Angeli (1081-1185, 1 185-1204). Admittedly it was the Comneni who reconquered the easternmost part of the southern coast of Asia Minor, as far as and including Antioch. But this modest increase in imperial territory did not spread beyond the districts of neighbouring Gappadocia, where however the execution of art in the Byzantine tradition continued even though the country was part of the Turkish sultanate of Iconium. In 1204, diverted from its real aim, the Fourth Crusade took Constantinople and devastated it. 







While the Byzantine state, Greek and Orthodox, reconstituted itself on the Asiatic coast of the Bosphorus around the city of Nicaea, the conquerors of 1204 attempted to found a Latin and Catholic empire based on Constantinople. This state, organized on the Western pattern of the period, was bordered by a series of feudal principalities covering practically the whole territory of continental Greece and its islands; it did not resist long attempts at reconquest led by the exiled Greek emperors in Nicaea. In 1 261 the latter returned to Constantinople, reconstituting the link with the Byzantine past. 









We know practically nothing of Greek artistic activities during the Latin Empire. This is perhaps due in part to the accidental destruction of works of art which date from that half-century. One may of course ask oneself whether an art, which at that period was exclusively religious, must not have been dimmed by the brutal installation of the Latin clergy in Constantinople and the forced withdrawal of the Greek clergy and of those who, by the means at their disposal and their influence, were the traditional patrons of Byzantine artistic works — that is to say, the emperors and the aristocracy of Byzantium. The Latin domination, which in Constantinople and its district lasted for half a century and even longer in certain parts of Greece and in the islands, left remarkably few traces of monuments. This fact is very striking when one thinks of the considerable and simultaneous expansion of Western art in the Holy Land. Although this question has neverbeen studied, it is worth bearing in mind. The lack of Latin activityin the field of art in the truly Greek countries is probably duetoseveral causes. The absence of powerful opponents in the districtmade the building of a great number of fortified castles andothermilitary works unnecessary; the small number of Latin residentsdid not encourage the founding of more churches ; but aboveall,contrary to their experience in the Levant, the Crusaders foundonthe spot numbers of ready-made churches of which they madeuseto practise their religion, after removing the Greek clergy. Itwasonly in places where the power of the Western states or that oftheirprinces lasted much longer, as in the islands seized by the Venetians(i.e., the Ionian Islands, Crete and Rhodes), or by the Genoese(Chios), or in Cyprus where Lusignan kings reigned that thecontribution of European art was felt — at least in certain fields,andparticularly in military and religious architecture. 








As far as therestis concerned the loss of Greek sovereignty in these territories didnotbring about a new artistic orientation. Thus here, too, the prestigeof the Byzantine tradition worked with success — all the moresoas the population, which was Greek and Orthodox, continuedtobelong to their Church. Even more strongly was the Byzantine artistic tradition abletoperpetuate itself in all those more or less independent small statesof the empire of Constantinople, even when the princes who reignedthere were momentarily at war with the Byzantine emperors.Thiswas to be seen in the Morea, Epirus and in Macedonia wherethepopulation was either Greek or hellenized and Orthodox.Theprinces of these states, which lasted for varying lengths of time(suchas Serbia and Bulgaria, which had re-formed or consolidatedtheirpower in the thirteenth century and were to disintegrate underthecontinued blows of the Turks a hundred or a hundred andfiftyyears later), everywhere exercised an influence favourable totheextension or maintenance of Byzantine artistic tradition ; for thesepotentates dreamt either of usurping the power of the emperorsinConstantinople itself or of imitating them within the boundariesoftheir own possessions. In both cases Byzantine art was part oftheshow of imperial tradition it was necessary to display.










In other words, during this last period of the Byzantine state, when the name of empire was only given to Constantinople and its suburbs, Byzantine art continued to flourish in all the territories which, whatever the race, language or creed of their inhabitants, were governed by Christian potentates. This flowering was complete where the Orthodox religion predominated. Also, whereas during the period from the ninth to the eleventh century the conquest of new territories by Byzantine art was mainly accomplished through missionaries, behind whom often stood the government of Byzantium, during the Palaeologian period this part was reserved to the slow action of frequent contacts between Greeks and Latins, Greeks and Slavs, Rumanians, Georgians. All these foreigners had been able to see for themselves innumerable works of Byzantine art in the countries where that art was traditionally practised. As for the Western world, it was the technical, aesthetic and religious qualities of Byzantine works which alone were responsible for the great Influence of Byzantinemovement to the West of Byzantine works of art and for their art on st imitation everywhere in Europe, from Italy to England, in the tenth and eleventh centuries, and particularly at the end of the twelfth and in the thirteenth century. 










As an Italian art historian said recently, during the thirteenth century every Italian artist had personal experience of Byzantine art. In short, during this late period (thirteenth to fifteenth century) Byzantine art, in an even more spectacular fashion than in the past, spread beyond the frontiers of the small state which continued to be called the Byzantine Empire. However, this drive towards the West was far less permanent and its effects were more limited than was the case when this same art spread in the countries of the Byzantine missions, and in Sicily and Venice during the preceding period. But this later conquest is perhaps even more astonishing, if one takes into consideration the tremendous flowering ofthe arts in all the countries of Western Europe during the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. 







Here we probably have a case of the contributions from outside which an art attracts when in the throes of its own development. Certain of its powers of assimilation, it profits from this contact. In the artistic geography of Byzantium it is necessary to note several peculiarities, which in some ways are even more important than the frequent overlapping of the territory of the Byzantine state by the area of its artistic expansion. i . Geographically, Byzantine territory proper is very limited whencompared with that of the countries of Western Europe, whichcreated and made regular use of medieval art of Latin origin fromthe Carolingian to the Gothic age. One must bear this in mind whenone compares or contrasts the two traditions, that of the OrthodoxEast and the Catholic West. Whereas the latter was a collective achievement in which all the great peoples of the Latin world tookpart, the former was created in Byzantium itself, and was communicated as an established system to the peoples of the Byzantinemissionary sphere. Ofcourse these various peoples eventually workedout their particular versions but, except beyond the Danube, theynever went beyond the basic rules which define Byzantine art. Onemust also add another difference which separated the two parallel experiments, those of the Orthodox East and the Catholic West,during the Middle Ages. In the East the experiment only lasted for a relatively short period (and only for a very short time in the countries of the Byzantine mission south of the Danube), because duringthe fourteenth and fifteenth centuries Byzantium herself and herBalkan clients were influenced in matters of civilization and art bythe Muslim conqueror. The period of Turkish rule was to producenothing in the artistic field — and this pause coincided with the period when the Western countries were only just beginning to experience their extraordinary upsurge. 2.







 As was the case elsewhere, the different parts of the Byzantineterritory were not always equally active in the arts which they practised during the Middle Ages. In the period under review —in other words, in the Iconoclast and Macedonian periods —Byzantium appears not as a traditional country, organically balanced, butas the relic of a much greater whole, which had been made coherentand unified by long centuries of history. The part that remained wassoon to organize itself, and to become accustomed to doing withoutdaily contacts with the countries ofthe Levant, or with the importantcontributions made by the countries of the eastern Mediterranean,with their rich populations, their wheat and their industries. In this reduced Byzantine state there remained an excess of large cities around a rather narrow sea, soon to be deprived of its 'hinterland' of Asia Minor. Of these cities only three or four were to remain important, but nevertheless this was enough to make the Byzantine state the only country at that time which counted enough cities of sufficient importance, where the usual activities of an urban population were pursued without interruption from antiquity to the Middle Ages. Crafts of all kinds, including art, had their place and because of this the workshops of Byzantine craftsmen in Constantinople particularly, but also those in Salonika, Smyrna and Corinth were centres where old traditions were maintained and where it was possible to obtain articles of quality. Ofcourse Salonika, Athens and Corinth were devastated by the Arabs and the Normans, but only temporarily, whereas Constantinople remained untouched until 1204. 










It was this which allowed this great city, and to a lesser degree the other coastal cities of the Aegean Sea, to ensure for centuries the survival of qualified craftsmen, which was a vital necessity for the continuation of art of value. The Byzantine Empire of the Middle Ages was much more favoured from this point of view than the countries of the West, where the Roman cities had nearly all been reduced to large villages. Constantinople was by far the most populous city in all Christendom, even after the rise of the trading ports of Italy — Pisa, Genoa and Venice. Consequently one is not surprised to learn that the main Byzantine works of art were fashioned in Constantinople (the part taken by other cities in this work remains to be established) . This was very different from the situation in the West, before the thirteenth century, where the centres of artistic activity were situated not in towns, but in monasteries. The role of certain Byzantine convents was no less important, at least where manuscript-painting was concerned; but the few in- dications we have from the sources mention mainly the monasteries established in Constantinople itself. These convents of the capital were numerous and well endowed, the most important among them enjoying royal patronage ; whether they liked it or not, members of the reigning dynasty and of the great Byzantine families often came to spend the end of their lives there. It would be difficult to dif- ferentiate between the art practised within these convents and religious art produced outside their enclosures. Of course in the great centres of Byzantine monastic life, such as Mount Athos, all the buildings and all the paintings were done by the monks ; it wasDenis de Fourna, a monk, who was the author of a post-Byzantine'Manual of Painting', which has been preserved for us to see. Panselinos, a fourteenth-century painter who enjoyed a greatreputation, was an Athonite monk. The frescoes which decorate theTroglodyte monasteries of Gappadocia are too rustic for us to ex- clude a priori the theory that painters outside the small communityof monks were called in. In short, Byzantine monks certainly tookpart in the execution of religious works of art. But the anonymity ofmost of these works prevents all evaluation of the relative importance of their participation — and, above all, the style andextent of the works which have been preserved do not allow us to recognize an artistic field limited to monastic workshops. 









This remark also applies to other social groups. The scarcity ofdedicatory inscriptions, and of written information, and also the absence of sufficient differentiation between works of art, preventany attempt to distinguish between a court art and an art particular to middle-class town dwellers or the like, and attempts made in this direction by various art critics have never led anywhere. Finally, almost no success has been registered in the efforts to distinguish between local or regional schools and workshops. It is of course quiteusual to find in various current works assertions to the contrary, andto read that a certain Byzantine work is 'aristocratic' or 'popular', orthat it represents the style of Asia Minor rather than that of anotherprovince. But when one looks into the question carefully, one finds that these are more or less gratuitous statements. Thus works ofquality are generally attributed to the capital, and rustic works areconsidered to be provincial; works which bear a strong classical influence are said to be of aristocratic and not of monastic origin. Manuscripts with purple sheets are recognized as coming fromConstantinople, because purple was the imperial colour. Paintingsand sculptures which seem to reflect an Asiatic influence are said to have originated in the eastern provinces of the empire. Now it is quite obvious that these conclusions are valueless and that to eachof these apparent theories just as many others can be opposed.However, these uncertainties are in themselves of obvious interest.











They stem from the fact that in our present state of knowledge we are generally unable to establish a connection between the works of art which have been preserved and the geography and social structure of Byzantium. This may be pursued with more success in the future. But we know enough about the Byzantine art of the Middle Ages not to expect any notable progress in this direction, for several general facts make this difficult : the systematic anonymity of Byzantine works, the extreme dearth of written sources, due to the almost total loss of archives, and finally the insufficient dif- ferentiation of the works themselves. This last point is essential, and one can see here a characteristic of medieval Byzantine art, especially when one compares it to the art of the Middle Ages in the West. 









This is partly due to the fact that the social structure of Byzantium was more stable but less precise than the feudal society of Latin countries. The ethnic uniformity of the Byzantine state, with its overwhelming predominance of Greeks, could also be contrasted with the national diversity of medieval Europe during the period of Romanesque and Gothic art. Let us remind ourselves from now on (we shall return to this in the chapter devoted to architecture) that political, administrative and judicial continuity were for centuries ensured by the imperial power and that of the Patriarch of Constantinople, and that economically, too, during this period Constantinople was the heart of the whole country. All these factors certainly contributed to give a certain uniformity to Byzantine taste and to the need that may have been felt for art. The work of art — particularly in the field of religious art, which we know best — belonged in Byzantium to the realm of the traditional, regularly repeated on similar occasions, where individual temperament or passing sentiment are hardly reflected. This form of art in no way attempts to tell us about the man who Distance between initiated it in these regular conditions. If the artist should of image and reality necessity express himself, the margin of his intervention is rather narrow and generally limited to nuances of style. It would also be fruitless to look in these Byzantine works, by analysing the subject of the paintings or bas-reliefs, for references to men and to the world in which they lived. 








There are no such references, no details taken from life, no indiscretions which might indicate the social class or the geographical origin of their authors. Byzantine images,even those which served as illustrations for chronicles, always kepttheir distance from reality. It is easier to understand the reason for this when saints or sacred events are represented: the irrational is expressed by establishing a distance between the image and materialreality. But secular or profane images are just as slow to reflect reality. They remain brief and vague, and impress one by the veryabsence of sharpness in the reproduction of beings and objectspertaining to everyday life: they are 'symbols' rather than representations. Here we touch upon an essential characteristic ofByzantine art — one which is in opposition both to Muslim andWestern art. This conception of artistic representation in relation to transitorylife and the things which support that life, explains what we weresaying earlier on : that Byzantine art is difficult to integrate into thehistorical and geographical background. It touches lightly on whatis accidental, including the fate of the individual and even eventswhich are of interest to society. It had its proper role and went its own way. This is a feature to which we will return later. Veryexceptional circumstances (such as the Iconoclast edicts of theemperors of the eighth and ninth centuries) were necessary to changethis even temporarily. 










Other happenings did not affect them, andit shows a certain lack of 'historical sense' to expect Byzantine worksto provide direct evidence about the social and economic historyof Byzantium in the Middle Ages, or about the reactions of a class oran individual to any given event of history, including even religious history. Relations between The overwhelming majority of Byzantine works of art were createdChristian faith and art in the seryice of the Church or the Christian faith. This is the es- sential fact about them. One is entitled to suppose that, as theChurch was the main patron of Byzantine art, important changeseither in the content of this faith or in its ritual would have createdmodifications in ecclesiastical art. This is what did in fact happenduring the reign of the Iconoclast emperors. But after the end ofofficial Iconoclasm in 843 the religion of the Byzantines was notmodified in any perceptible way, or at any rate not in fields whichwere reflected in art. This was notably the case with liturgy —that is to say, all the rites celebrated in the Church. As to the heresies which made repeated appearances in the Byzantium of the Middle Ages, they of course troubled the conscience of the Byzantines — but neither the Paulicians, the Bogomils nor the doctrines ofJohn Italus etc. modified in any way the ritual of Byzantine art. Nor were the Hesychasts of the fourteenth century any more active in this field, although the contrary has several times been maintained, and we may possibly owe them a few iconographic details : e.g. images of the Transfiguration on Mount Tabor, with the idea ofdistinguishing three fights, symbols of the three persons of the Trinity in the halo surrounding the Risen Christ. 









Later studies may perhaps increase the number of alterations that the Hesychasts made to iconographic tradition. But in any case they will never be more than details, as there is an obvious continuity in Byzantine traditions before and after the Hesychasts. Similarly, we can dismiss the influence of Catholic art, which did penetrate into Byzantine territory, notably in the thirteenth century. Of course, more or less superficial in- fluences derived from Latin art can be observed here and there during that period and subsequently. But when one remembers the extraordinary flowering ofreligious art in the West from the eleventh century onwards, the extreme modesty ofits influence on Byzantium never ceases to surprise us. It would undoubtedly have been difficult to reflect in art the break with Rome in 1054. But, after all, Catholic art in the sixteenth century reflects the Reformation.









 This was not the case in Byzantium; at any rate, there is next to nothing in the works of art which have been preserved. They ignore totally the break between the Greek and Latin churches. In this Christian Byzantine art there are no reflections of either the The Christian art ofbirth of Islam or the flowering ofIslamic art. Here again the example **»**«• ™d Islamof the West, so receptive to Muslim creations in architecture and interior decoration, only makes us even more aware of the extreme reserve of the Byzantines. One might have thought that it was a deliberately negative attitude; but it is more a general refusal, probably a tacit one, to allow themselves to be influenced by the events which affected contemporary religious life. As we shall see, it was on a different level that certain Muslim contributions to Byzantine art took place, and they appear only in ornamental decoration or at the most in certain manuscripts, particularlysecular ones. When all is said, one must admit that the religious art of theByzantines, superbly indifferent to things of the world, was little influenced by the fluctuations of the history of religious life itself. That does not in any way mean that those who practised this art daily were not themselves passionately interested in all that con-cerned the faith and administration of the Church. In Constantinople people perhaps suffered rather from an excess of interest intheology, and there were many famous discussions on matters offaith. But figurative Byzantine art was not concerned in this, andthis fact, although a negative one, is characteristic. So we are concerned with a form of art which was an independentactivity within Byzantine civilization, and which did not react at all to political, social and ecclesiastical events; nor did communitiesor individuals expect to find their particular experiences reflected init. 










We are dealing with a form of activity inherited by medievalByzantium from an earlier period, with its procedures, its techniquesand its tastes, which the Greeks of that period continued withoutperceptibly modifying its formulas. Later we shall give the positivecharacteristics of Byzantine works of art, only pointing out in this outline that the historic and geographical background was a verystable one during the period we are studying, because of the natureof Byzantine art and the limited number of factors capable of givingit stimulus. However, to make things easier, we shall distinguish inthis work between the four traditional periods The Iconoclast Period The Reign of the Macedonians The Reign of the Comneni The Reign of the Palaeologi. The very titles of these periods, called after the dynasties, underlinethe artificial character of this division, but in so far as essentials go, artistic life went on without apparent changes from the end ofIconoclasm up to the fall of Constantinople, and each of theseperiods possesses features which are its alone. These particularities are not necessarily linked to political, social or other events, andthey are not even exclusive to this or that period, but each period had its own way of accenting tradition; or at any rate, this is what is suggested by the essential works of each of these successive periods. The Iconoclast period attempted a form of art without figurative images — a Christian version of aniconical religious art, such as was at the same time inaugurated by the Muslims. The emperors of the Macedonian dynasty attempted to create around themselves a renovatio of the arts and the literature of antiquity. So far as art is concerned we only know what effect it had on religious works. 









These magnificently proclaim achievements of Greek taste in the arts, but they also prove the limitations of this renaissance. This period corresponds to a general burst of activity in Byzantium, where works of art of different tendencies flowered at the same time. The antique tendency was undoubtedly the most remarkable, but the particular Byzantine style of the Middle Ages evolved during this period, which more than any other in the history of Byzantium deserves the title of the 'golden age'. It is obvious that the limits which separate these periods are not strict ones. It is in consequence practical to start the third period only in the last third of the eleventh century, with the advent of the first Comnenus, and to prolong it up to 1204. 









The greatest number of Byzantine or Byzantine-inspired monuments, churches, mosaics, frescoes, miniatures, ivories and ceramics belong to the eleventh and twelfth centuries. They are of a well-established style which codified the creations of the preceding period. But it was also under the Comneni that the aesthetics of centuries to come were evolved and future tendencies suggested. During the fifty years of the Latin Empire of Constantinople Byzantine works are almost entirely non-existent. But the works of the twelfth century prepare the way for those which appeared at the end of the thirteenth, after the restoration of the Greek Empire. In architecture and particularly in painting this was to be another and final renovatio which, parallel with the art of the Italian Dugento and Quattrocento and of the new creations of the northern European countries, attempted to recast inherited traditions into a form of art, at the same time faithful to established usages and yet rather different — and probably better adapted to the demands of a more advanced age.



















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