Download PDF | Lightning over Yemen, A History of the Ottoman Campaign 1569-71,Qutb al-Din al-Nahrawali al-Makki, Translation, with introduction and notes, by Chive K. Smith, I.B. Tauris Publishers (2002).
241 Pages
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
A project of this nature could not have been undertaken without considerable help; and I am heavily indebted to a number of people.
Professor Rex Smith has encouraged me from the beginning and latterly has read through both translation and notes and made a number of helpful amendments and suggestions. Professor Osman Sid Ahmed Isma‘il al Billi, whom I was fortunate to get to know in the Sudan in the early 1980s when he was Minister of Education, has undertaken the laborious task of studying the first draft of the translation and made a large number of corrections and suggestions; and I am also heavily indebted to Mohamed Nasir al-Mahriiqi from Oman who, over a long period of time, while engaged on his PhD research, has helped me in the understanding of the Arabic for the first draft. And I am most grateful to John Evans, ODA Survey adviser in Yemen from 1981 to 1989, for his painstaking and imaginative creation of the three maps which illustrate the campaign.
Many others have generously given their time and help in a variety of ways for which I am deeply grateful: Peter Barber and staff of the British Library, Peter Colvin and staff of the School of Oriental and African Studies Library, Pierre Yves Crozet, Russell Fox of the Ordnance Survey, Southampton, Nicholas Hall of the Royal Armouries at Fort Nelson, Karen Hearn of Tate Britain, Charles Newton of the Victoria and Albert Museum, Dr Eric Olijdam, Carl Phillips, Alexandra Porter who computerised the fort plans, Thom Richardson of the Royal Armouries at Leeds, Dr Muhammad Thunayyan, Dr ‘Abdullah al-Udhari and Ken Walton.
I must also express my debt to the late Sa‘udi Arabian scholar, Hamad alJasir, whose published text of a/-Barag I have used; to the publisher John Murray, for suggesting I contact Iradj Bagherzade of I.B.Tauris who then, with great patience, translated his initial interest in the project into a practical proposition; and to his editor, Turi Munthe, for his help and encouragement along the way.
Finally, there are two vital acknowledgements I should express, to Alistair Duncan for part sponsorship of the work through the Altajir World of Islam Trust, and to my wife Ann for allowing me the space to feed the miniobsession that has consumed me over the last three years!
Note on Illustrations
Jacket illustration: A Janissary (hand-coloured woodcut by Jost Amman) and the first image of the colour plate-section reproduced by courtesy of the Victoria and Albert Museum, London. All other internal illustrations are photographs taken by the author except the following: numbers 1-14 of the black and white plate-section, number 2 of the colour plate-section and the illustrations at the beginning and the end of the translation which are reproduced by courtesy of the British Library, London.
INTRODUCTION
§ The magnificent mountain scenery, stretching like a spine down the back of the country, never fails to impress visitors to the Yemen. In its southern section, south of the Samarah pass, the mountains enjoy the full force of the monsoon rains and are blessed with fertile and well-watered land for agriculture. Further north, the rainfall is more erratic and the tribesmen rely more heavily upon the methods of water conservation and terracing they established in early times.
A visitor also cannot fail to notice the castles and towers that seem to crown every mountain and form a complex pattern of defence throughout the country. As early as the tenth century of our era, a versatile and prolific Yemeni scholar, al Hasan al-Hamdani, in a work called the Iklil, produced an account of the ruins in Yemen which he had visited. One of its two surviving books has been translated into English by Nabih Faris and contains most interesting descriptions of some of these castles, many of which date from pre-Islamic times.
Other invaders had, of course, come to Yemen before the Turks, not least the Ayyubids, a dynasty from Syria to which the illustrious Saladin belonged; his elder brother was to conquer Yemen in the twelfth century. All such invaders were to find that, without the possession of such castles, they could not claim to occupy their territory, and that some at least were unconquerable by force alone; and the Turkish minister, Sinan Pasha, sent in 1569 to retrieve the province for the Turks, despite the awe-inspiring weaponry of the Ottoman state at his disposal, was to prove no exception.
Throughout its history, foreign powers had become involved in Yemen for reasons of strategy, riches, trade, religion and even /ebensraum. In the case of the Ottoman Turks, such involvement had been inherited from the Mamluk state after Cairo fell to them in 1517. For they had two fundamental interests to safeguard: the Holy Cities of Mecca and Medina and the trade route with India in spices and textiles, both of which had been threatened and the latter virtually eclipsed by the arrival of the Indian Ocean and the Red Sea in the early part of the century. Such preoccupations were reinforced by reports from reliable sources of the potential riches of a country that had sustained such powerful earlier dynasties as the Rasulids and Tahirids.
For a brief period, the long effort and expense which even a degree of control over the country had cost the Turks may have seemed worthwhile; for, in the early 1560s, the country did pay its way and spices were being sold in Egypt at a profit to the Ottoman state. Indeed, one successful candidate for the governor-generalship of the country is said to have paid a vast sum in bribes for the post. But this happy period for the Turks had only followed a satisfactory truce with the Imam Sharaf al-Din’s eldest son, Mutahhar, who had by then been accepted as the Zaydi leader in Yemen. Otherwise, the province ran at a loss, and, as the author points out earlier in the work, no foundry like Yemen had been seen for Turkish troops who had melted away like salt in water, with casualties already exceeding 70,000!
Renewed rebellion under Mutahhar had broken out, and in September 1567 a new governor-general, Murad Pasha, had been slaughtered, and his head dispatched to the Yemeni leader. By June 1568 Ottoman control had been reduced to an enclave around Zabid in the Tihamah.
The new Ottoman sultan, Selim II, furious with developments in the rebellious province, had commissioned his former tutor, Mustafa Lala Pasha, to head a large expeditionary force to suppress the rebellion, but the latter was so delayed in Cairo making preparations for the expedition that the impatient sultan commissioned the new governor-general in Egypt, Sinan Pasha, to replace him. It would seem that Sinan, an Albanian born in about 1520, had himself coveted the leadership of the expedition and had intrigued with the veteran grand vizier in Istanbul, Sokollu Mehmed Pasha, to that end.
Sinan was accused of delays over providing materiel and weaponry for Mustafa Pasha and circulating rumours that Mustafa wished to establish a state in Cairo independent of the sultan. Such behaviour would have been in character; for Sinan was to prove an ambitious figure who regularly rebounded from overseas campaigns to the high office of grand vizier until his death in 1596. He would have seen the political advantage of a speedy and efficient end to the rebellion but he misjudged both the risk and danger he was taking against an experienced and formidable adversary who would exploit every advantage the mountainous and well-defended terrain afforded him, as well as the deep dislike for Turkish rule its inhabitants had developed.
In any event, Sinan was elevated to the rank of vizier and instructed by the sultan ‘to punish and eradicate the reprobate called Mutahhar’ and ‘without delay, to go to all lengths to get shot of him, lock, stock and barrel’. It is worth bearing in mind that Sinan did not achieve such a neat solution; nor was he able to reciprocate the murder of the former governor-general by sending Mutahhar’s head to the sultan in Istanbul!
The Author, Qutb al-Din al-Nahrawali
It was near Mecca, on his way south to Yemen, that Sinan first met the author, Qutb al-Din al-Nahrawali (917—g0/1511/1512-82). It would not be until his return from Yemen, however, when Sinan was carrying out the pilgrimage, that he commissioned him to write this account. Hamad al-Jasir, the editor of al-Baragq al-yamani (translated for our purpose as Lightning over Yemen), in the introductory sections to his work, explains how Sinan, in commissioning the author, discussed his campaign in Yemen and handed to him an epic poem in Turkish by one of his senior officers there named Mustafa Bey al-Rumizi. This poem was published later with 104 illustrations and is housed in the manuscripts library of the University of Istanbul, now closed to the public. Qutb al-Din made a number of additions to the description of the campaign which forms the main section of a-Barag al-yamani which is preceded by a history of earlier campaigning by Mamluk and Turk in Yemen; and it is the main section which forms the subject of this translation.
Qutb al-Din was well suited to the task. By the time of Sinan’s campaign he was some fifty-eight years old and an established figure in Mecca. He was recognised as Mufti of Mecca and had been awarded the first Hanafi professorship in Sultan Sulayman’s recently completed college for the four orthodox rites. An early acquired knowledge of Turkish enabled him to cultivate acquaintance with Ottoman officials posted in the region, including, of course, successive governors-general and senior officials from Yemen on their way through Mecca. He became the most sought-after guide for visitors to Mecca, who would often reward him with great generosity.
He would have gleaned further information about conditions in Yemen from a close relative who was a Hanafite qadi in Jiblah, from which the rebellion forced him to flee, in 1567, ‘without shoes or clothing, from village to village to Zabid’. All the qadi’s possessions were stolen, including some valuable books belonging to Qutb al-Din himself!
Earlier members of his family had for some time acted in Mecca on behalf of the Sultan of Gujerat, and by the middle of 932/1526 his father had brought his son from Gujerat to live there permanently at a time of great disturbance in Gujerat during the machinations of Mogul and Portuguese. He had been born in Lahore in 917/1511/12 into a scholarly family which originally hailed from Aden, and gained his early education from his father, a mufti and hadith scholar. Later he had studied in Mecca under eminent scholars and teachers, including the Yemen chronicler, al-Dayba‘, and had and other members, apparently over allegations against the qadi of Medina; and he was jostled and insulted by some of the Hijazis in the presence of ministers to the extent that one of the latter, in seeking clarification from the Hijazis as to Qutb al-Din’s exact position, was told that he was merely a servant with a knowledge of Turkish and completely unknown personally to the Grand Sharif. Qutb al-Din produced a detailed account of the insulting treatment and slanderous statements levelled at him during his time in Istanbul. The situation may have been clarified in due course but the atmosphere appears to have been far from congenial, and the curtain is raised on the intrigue pervading the Sharif’s court! Elsewhere in Hamad al-Jasir’s introductory sections there are indications that Qutb al-Din was not averse to involvement in the political and other intrigues with which his environment was charged. He was far from being the detached scholar and clearly played the courtier in the service of both Turk and Sharif.
The Account of the Campaign
The author covers Sinan’s campaign framed by his passages through the Hiyjaz in sixty chapters. The account reflects his informant’s soldierly concern for the details of the route and strategy employed by the Turks.
Map 1 gives details of the relentless thrust via Jizan and Zabid up into the highlands at Ta‘izz and northwards over the mountainous spine via San‘a’ to the heartlands of the Zaydi leader controlled from the ancient strongholds of Thula and Kawkaban. Within seven weeks the powerful citadel of al-Qahirah above Ta‘izz had surrendered; within sixteen, Sinan was over the Samarah pass leading to the transmontane plains; within five months he had taken the capital; and a few days later, on 22 August 1569, he had reached Shibam, the ancient town at the foot of the mountain where the fortress town of Kawkaban was situated. But there the momentum stopped.
Kawkaban was the base of Mutahhar’s nephew, Muhammad b. Shams alDin, who had commanded Mutahhar’s forces retreating from the south. Shams al-Din had been a former samjak and protégé of the Turks who had taken their part in battles against Mutahhar; and Sinan decided to concentrate his forces on putting Kawkaban under siege in the expectation of prising the son, Muhammad b. Shams al-Din, from his uncle’s control.
It was an expectation that was to be rewarded but only after a sevenmonth siege at great expense to the Turkish forces in men and weaponry. The truce, reached with Muhammad, and later Mutahhar, was urgently required by the Turks because of widespread renewed rebellion elsewhere in the country, but its terms returned to the Zaydi leaders most of their former territory and authority and certainly fell far short of the sultan’s commission. Map 2 illustrates the military dispositions at the time of the first major engagement between the two forces in the south before Mt al-Aghbar, while Map 3 gives the leading commanders, forts, towns and features relevant to the long siege of Kawkaban which was raised in late May 1570.
The remainder of the account is largely devoted to the deteriorating Turkish position in the south before the newly arrived governor-general, Behram Pasha, was able, with Sinan’s military help, to quell the renewed rebellion, allowing Sinan to hand over his responsibilities and make his return in triumph through Mecca.
The account is informed at intervals by details of the increasingly parlous situation facing the Turks over troops, funding and supplies; for the governorgeneral in Egypt had failed to help with required funds and troops and the new governor-general for Yemen had arrived in Zabid with 600 troops in complete disarray, ‘naked, hungry and poor’.
The author is at pains to stress the difficulties of terrain and climate which the Turks had to face in this inhospitable land. Mountain tops were defended by myriads of armed tribesmen; rivers were diverted to turn roads into swamps; mountain passes were blocked and rocks hurled down on to troops attempting to climb the narrow mountain defiles. However, the Yemeni unwillingness to engage in the pitched battles favoured by the Turks is interpreted as cowardice; and successful Yemeni guerrilla attacks are regarded as defeats since the Yemenis retreated after their ambush was complete. The Turks could do little but cry ‘Foul’ at these engagements of ‘hit and run’.
If the conclusion of peace terms with Muhammad b. Shams al-Din over Kawkaban — soon neutralising Mutahhar’s forces to allow Turkish troops to be used elsewhere — can be regarded as the key to the campaign, the role of the Isma‘ili leaders in Yemen was crucial, as the author indicates time and again.
The Tayyibi Isma‘ilis, scions of the Fatimid Sulayhids, had been in Yemen, independent of Fatimid and Sulayhid control, for four hundred years under the leadership of their Chief Da‘l or Missionary, and had usually maintained good relations with successive rulers in Yemen, with the conspicuous exception of the Imam Sharaf al-Din and his son, Mutahhar, who had persecuted them. In these circumstances they had become allies and supporters of the Turks but had, for the most part, joined Mutahhar’s rebellion because of the recent extortionate behaviour of the Turks.
As our author explains, for the Isma‘li commander at the citadel above Ta‘izz who had been induced to surrender to the Turks by his fellow Isma‘ili, the Da‘t Shaikh ‘Abdullah, his reason for deserting the Turks had been their ‘governorate’s rough treatment of Yemen, its ambitions there, its impossible requests and their (Yemeni) inability to satisfy its financial demands’. An interesting admission from an author prejudiced in favour of the Turks!
From his early meeting with Sinan in Zabid, Shaikh ‘Abdullah was fervent in his support for the Turks. As the expedition moved northwards he conquered the important fort of Khadid, west of the Samarah pass, and, once arrived before Shibam, in response to the obvious need for reinforcements and supplies, he went off to campaign on Sinan’s behalf. Indeed, a large force under the nominal governor-general, Hasan Pasha, had to be dispatched to bring him back since the Turks proved incapable of climbing the escarpment of the Dula‘ massif to get to grips with their siege of Kawkaban. It was he who found the defile that was not blocked by Zaydi forces and up which the combined Turkish force was able to climb; and it was he, we are told by the Yemeni chronicler, Yahya b. Husayn, who advised Sinan to seek terms with Muhammad b. Shams al-Din over Kawkaban. From first to last he was a vital force and adviser on whom Sinan could rely.
The widespread renewed rebellion had been provoked by Mutahhar in what appears to be a brilliant propaganda campaign in which he wrote far and wide proclaiming the Prophet Muhammad’s support in a dream for his cause, to be signalled by the moon’s eclipse, and accusing the Turks of immoral and unlawful behaviour. ‘So where is the fury? Where has the passion gone? While these men (the Turks) degrade women of high status, taking them off to evil haunts where they can take their pleasure ... while you eat, drink, dance and play music.’ Qutb al-Din may have relished these accusations against such men! The Fragrance of Sweet Bay and Wormwood
There is much to distract the modern reader in this account. The douceur of the well-watered and fertile lands south of the Samarah pass is conveyed. A wadi is redolent of sweet-smelling shrubs. Another is full of anemones. Paths curve like snakes and hide vipers in their dangerous crannies. An Adeni saint appears in a dream to show a Turkish sea captain the way to a mountain fortress, while another is high enough to converse with the stars. Imagery shines on every page.
Glimpses of local life appear. Hard-worked women of Habb al-‘Aris, opposite Kawkaban, carry loads of wood strapped to their brows like their traditional Kikuyu sisters in Kenya or Berber women today. The coffee houses of Ibb and Jiblah are full of soldiery, despite instructions to the contrary from Sinan to their commander, in itself an important early reference to such clearly long-established institutions in Yemen! A poisoned quince is served to an allegedly drunken commander in the castle of Habb and a cat with a fused explosive attached to its tail is used to blow up the castle gunpowder store (a device said to have been employed in the 1960s against the British in Aden).
Some vivid military scenes spring into focus. Fifteen Janissaries with their aghas or commanders from Egypt and Istanbul, in an adventurous attempt to climb up the escarpment to Kawkaban, are slaughtered by Zaydi forces. (The Janissaries were an elite military corps formed from young Christian lads who had been seized during periodic levies in countries, often in the Balkans, under Ottoman rule; and those slaughtered here would have been dressed and armed like their colleague in the cover illustration.)
Sinan’s army dazzles the inhabitants of Mecca with its ‘sheer display, its great pavilions, pedigree horses dressed in gold, bridles of gold and silver, weapons, armour and helmets’ and the cavalcade of horse and camel was ‘an astonishing sight, filling the eyes and spirits; dazzling and overwhelming, it captivated the eye and regard’.
Sinan rides with his troops ‘with his mighty band playing the drum and pipe, intoxicating the troops with the sight, as if they had drunk wine’. As a pasha of ministerial rank, Sinan would have in his personal entourage a great drum, some three feet high and carried on horseback into battle, as well as two pairs of kettledrums and seven pipes.
Qutb al-Din was unusual for a writer of his time in Arabic in adopting a thematic approach to his work, with each chapter being devoted to a different aspect of the evolving story. He was not unusual, however, in his frequent use of saj‘ or rhymed prose, especially in describing battle scenes. It is not possible to do justice to the alliteration and imagery, the puns and double-meanings, and to the sheer pace of such passages.
Sir Richard Burton, in the Terminal Essay to his Arabian Nights, discusses the pros and cons of translating a/-saj‘ into rhymed prose in English. He points out that the Quran and many famous Arabic masterpieces are written in it but that the weight of opinion of English scholars was against the attempt to do so. However, with typical contempt for convention, he undertakes the task in his translation and quotes a favourable reviewer’s comment: “These melodious fragments, these little eddies of song set like gems in the prose, have a charming effect on the ear.’
Hamad al-Jasir points out that such passages allowed the author to show off his linguistic skill and ability in Arabic, and that they would ring in the ears of the Turks for whom they were intended, many of whom would have only a slight knowledge of the language. In the same way, the author frequently introduces snatches of poetry from pre-Islamic and classical poets to illustrate his narrative as he quotes religious maxims and pieties to confirm his religious credentials.
Ointment Hiding Sores and Poison in the Fat
There can be no doubt that the account is marred by the religious and political prejudice of the author in favour of Turk and Meccan sharif and against Mutahhar and his Zaydi supporters. This prejudice grates and his incessant denigration of the ‘cripple’ Mutahhar sticks in the throat but, as Hamad al-Jasir points out, should not blind us to the value within his account. Moreover, as we have seen, despite his prejudice in favour of the Turks, he does not shrink from criticising Turkish actions in Yemen; and often in his biographical summaries of Turkish leaders, he dwells on their brutality, incompetence and other failings.
Moreover, despite his dislike of Mutahhar, he displays a grudging respect for his defence against the Turks and allows the development of the campaign and the necessity to conclude peace over Kawkaban to release troops to fight the renewed rebellion to speak for themselves. Indeed, his long account of the oppression by the pre-Islamic tribe of Tasm against a weak Jadis could indicate a degree of sympathy for its relevance as an allegory of Turk against Yemeni.
There are, however, failings of a factual nature. The author clearly misunderstands what he has been told about the ancient city of Shibam, nestling below the escarpment above which Kawkaban is situated, when he describes it as ‘a strong castle at the summit of an impregnable mountain’. ‘Shibam’ may have replaced ‘Kawkaban’ in somebody’s notes. There are inconsistencies over dates and the names of fortresses and towns, but not on a scale to affect the momentum or thrust of the account. And, at times, pre-Islamic informa-tion inserted into the description of places can appear to the modern reader as both whimsical and contrived.
In Mecca we pause before the adulation in which the Grand Sharif and his family are held but remain fascinated by the detail of the pilgrimage, the comings and goings of those involved and the description of the delicacies produced for the minister by the Shaikh al-Islam in his gardens at Abtah. And Sinan’s prickly nature and tendency to take quick offence can be seen in the initial welcome banquet at Mecca and in his later behaviour towards the superintendent of the well at ‘Arafat. Indeed, as we shall see in the Notes, we are told elsewhere that, in a fit of pique, he apparently had his horses trample over some rare and costly Chinese porcelain presented to him in the name of the Grand Sharif. It appears that, throughout the period Sinan was in the area, Muhammad Abt Numayy, who had ruled as Grand Sharif since 1524, had already handed over his duties to his son, Hasan; and the author always refers to him as the revered Grand Sharif. Abi Numayy died in 1584 in Nejd at the age of eighty.
Later Perspective
Sinan, true to character, was determined to wrest all he could from this campaign for which he was granted the title ‘Conqueror of the Yemen’. He more or less forced the Grand Sharif in Mecca to write to Istanbul about his success, and, great self-publicist that he was, commissioned at least two accounts of the campaign. From this account it is clear that he only just managed to get the Zaydi leader back in his box, so to speak; and that the province was regained for the Turks only at a terrible cost in manpower, weapons and funds. Sinan returned to the governor-generalship of Egypt for two years, after which his career continued to alternate between overseas campaign, high office and disgrace. He held the highest office of grand vizier on five occasions, dying as such in 1596.
Meanwhile, Mutahhar was to die two years later with blood in his urine, and left to others the fight against the Turks which led to their expulsion in 1635.
Notes, attempting to throw light on unfamiliar subjects, have been divided into eight sections at the end of the translation. As indicated above, there are three maps to illustrate the campaign. In addition there are fort plans and a number of images. The latter come in two forms: first, those of contemporary, or at least old, prints and engravings to illustrate dress, transport, weaponry and equipment as well as plant and place; and, second, photographs taken by the translator during the 1970s.
CHAPTER I
[210] Mustafa Pasha’s dismissal, His Excellency! Sinan Pasha’s commission; the issue of the imperial decree for him to go personally to Yemen; his appointment as minister; and his arrival in Mecca with the victorious army
§ As soon as the Ottoman sovereign learnt of Mustafa Pasha’s? delay in Egypt, together with some of the commanders, in departing for Yemen, he dismissed Mustafa Pasha, and appointed Sinan Pasha as minister. Almighty God preserve the caliphate and support the sultanate for mankind.
The sultan directed that Sinan Pasha be sirddr (commander-in-chief) of the armed forces in Yemen and gave orders for the execution of Mustafa Bey, one of the sanjak’ commanders in Egypt, and Najmi Muhammad Bey, a brigade commander there. He then gave instructions for the entire Egyptian army to proceed to Yemen, the royal edict containing such orders to be dispatched to Egypt by hand of the chamberlain from the Sublime Porte.
All of a sudden people were aware of their arrival in Egypt; and the country became agitated. The chamberlain’s party went up to Sinan Pasha’s diwan (office) in Cairo and delivered to him the sultan’s edict; and his reaction was to hear and obey. He would devote himself and his wealth to serving the sultan, without hint of reserve, in order to carry out the sovereign command. He summoned the two bey commanders and handed them over to the chamberlain who discharged the sultan’s orders regarding them both, throttling them with a bowstring and passing their bodies to their families for burial. Their belongings were then registered in the dian.
[211] Fearful of what was in store for him, Mustafa Pasha travelled at once all the way to the Sublime Porte and invoked the sultan’s compassion, pleading his former service in the sovereign’s cause. His ministerial rank was restored and, after a lengthy explanation of the circumstances, he was granted a pardon.
As for His Excellency the Minister, Sinan Pasha, he bared his upper arm and unsheathed his resolute sword. Immediately, he set out to submit and obey while the Egyptian army also hastened to do so once it had understood the gravity of the situation. Everyone who had not been able to contemplate leaving Egypt competed in their demand to travel; and all hastened to present themselves in the imperial dian, present and ready, until the major part of the Egyptian army had enrolled, the strong and the wealthy, the kushshaf [tax collectors], and the mutafarrigah and bilukyat |two of the elite regiments].
None remained in Egypt save the useless, such as a very old shaikh or child or the like. They left Egypt with the army by land, mounted on horses, camels and mules, sending the heavy baggage by sea and taking only necessary provisions and supplies. Placing their trust in Almighty, All-powerful God, they began their journey and set out on their march. The minister’s departure from the Egyptian capital took place on 17 Rajab 976/5 January 1569.
The minister’s cavalcade reached Yanbu‘ on 12 Sha‘ban/30 January of the same year. At his service, and that of the mighty army, was Sayyid Nur alDin ‘Ali b. Durraj b. Hujjar al-Hasani, who transferred the cargo and heavy baggage from the beach at Yanbu‘ to the town. The shaikh of the noble Haram at Mecca, our lord Shaikh al-Islam, leader of the ulema and learned men, the best of the noble sayyids and chief qadi in God’s holy land, was our lord Sayyid Husayn al-Maliki who had earlier set out and travelled to Medina to meet Sinan Pasha. I was with him when the news came of the minister’s arrival and we went out to meet him but failed to catch him at the stopover at Badr;> for he had gone on, but we called by and, following him, [212] caught up with him at Khabt Kulayyah after the evening prayer on 17 Sha‘ban 976/3 February 1569.
He gave our lord Shaikh al-Islam a splendid welcome, treating him kindly and chatting to him; and the minister continued with him until we had reached Rabigh. The minister had a splendid large banquet laid out and, summoning our lord guardian of the noble Haram, awarded him a magnificent large honorary cloak. The Shaikh al-Islam accompanied him as far as Mecca. Then our noble lord, light of the world and religion, al-Hasan b. Abi Numayy,° long live his rule, sent to meet H.E. the Minister his eldest son, our lord Husayn, with a suite of horses and men. He reached him as he emerged from ‘Usfan and was awarded the customary honorary cloak. On arriving for the ‘umrah [lesser pilgrimage],’ he entered Mecca during the night of Tuesday 21 Sha‘ban/7 February; he performed the tamdaf and sa‘y,’ to be met at the tawaf by the Efendi of Mecca, then returned for the ‘wmrah and entered Mecca on the Wednesday morning.
On his arrival at Sabil al-Jawkhi, the Qadi of Mecca, at the time Efendi ‘Abd al-Rahman b. Sayyidi ‘Ali, formerly military qadi for Rimeli [the Balkans], arrived to meet him and he gave instructions for his camp to be pitched at the pool of Majin. The population of Mecca came out as a whole to look and beheld the Ottoman army, the like of which they had neither seen nor heard before in those noble parts in the way of sheer display, great pavilions, pedigree horses dressed in gold with bridles of gold and silver, weapons, armour and helmets.’
I was told by one who had counted that there were between three and four thousand horsemen in the procession and nearly ten thousand camels.'’ The procession was an astonishing sight, filling the eyes and spirits; dazzling and overwhelming, it captivated the eye and regard.
Before the minister’s arrival, Almighty God grant him victory, Mecca was gripped by rumour and evil. There was dread in the land and business was in confusion, with everybody burying their valuables for fear of plunder and attack. All were saved from such a fate by Almighty God through the minister’s excellent arrangements and by his control and care for the great army; and many were [213] his good deeds for the poor and great was his generosity to the dignitaries and the great. He remained by the pool of Majin in his splendid camp which the huge army, known for its good deeds, entered. The most senior of the commanders was Commander Hamzah, next to him Commander Mamay, followed by the rest of the sanjak commanders, namely Killah Mahmud Bey, ‘Ali Bey, and Kurd Mahmid Bey, the Egyptian Arab commander, Commander Salamah b. al-Khabir, and the aghas, kushshaf, mutafarriqah, and many of the bilukydt and the jawishiyyah."!
In brief, it was as if the Egyptian administration with its entire army had transferred to Mecca, to which had to be added troops from Damascus, Aleppo, Karaman, Amid, Mar‘ash” and other Ottoman possessions to an extent unheard of in former years. Praise Almighty God, ruler of kings and kingdoms, in His glory, majesty and might.
Then His Highness the Sharif Hasan, Almighty God preserve his glory, went in noble person to Jiddah to give orders for the transfer to Mecca of all the baggage belonging to the minister that had arrived by sea, and to be of general service to the noble sultan. He did not rely upon his own attendants and servants for the purpose since he anticipated them being inadequate, but ordered a generous banquet, of a standard fitting the occasion, to be spread for the minister in Mecca; and they spread it out in front of him. However, the minister had expected Sharif Hasan to appear in person and, at his failure to do so, with all sorts of stories being bruited abroad by people at large, his mood changed markedly, and he intended to decline Sharif Hasan’s banquet placed in front of him.
So our lord Shaikh al-Islam, Qadi Sayyid Husayn, apologised on his behalf, on the grounds that Sharif Hasan, realising the minister’s need for the early arrival of the sea cargo, had anticipated that, if he entrusted the task to his servants, they would not be able to discharge it quickly. He had therefore himself gone to expedite the matter since its discharge, in view of the minister’s urgent need, was more important than his presence by his side. The country did not have adequate facilities for such a large army and famine might strike, causing worse hardship for the army and population; and he gave other such reasons. The minister accepted the apology and himself partook of the meal [214], full of kindness and courtesy and giving orders for it to be divided among the troops. Then he gave an honorary cloak to Khwaja Kamal al-Din Abi al-Fadl b. Abi ‘Ali for having undertaken to provide the banquet on behalf of the Grand Sharif, thus achieving, God be thanked, a high degree of harmony and affection.
Sharif Hasan sent to him about a hundred horses and a thousand camels, apart from other valuables and appropriate presents; and real affection flowed between them which delighted the people. The land was reassured and the population calmed. For that, God be thanked and praised.
In short, all H.E. the Minister’s doings were happy and his actions praiseworthy and commendable. His judgment was correct, his opinion sound, and his arrangements extremely efficient and methodical. His intelligence was marked in every reversal or confirmation of sentence. God increase his glory and majesty, double his happiness and good fortune and raise him to the ranks of glory until his friends say, ‘Thus, thus ad infinitum!’
During this period the minister travelled to al-Mafjar to inspect the work at the well of ‘Arafat which was to serve Mecca. Its intendant at the time was Qasim Bey, sanjak of Jiddah, whom the late vizier ‘Ali Pasha’ had selected as commander. He set out in a magnificent cavalcade of commanders and cavalry riding before and around him, in his coming and goings, presenting people with a display of perfect horsemanship.
In al-Mafjar Commander Qasim had laid out a magnificent banquet, without thought of expense or effort, and presented to him three race horses, complete with gilded harness, with sword, mace, armour, helmet, saddle, bridle and stirrups of silver.'"* The minister presented Commander Qasim with an honorary cloak of serdser'’ and gave the masons an increase of two to five ottoman pieces.'® He then returned with his suite to his encampment in full glory and majesty. The entire matter went off, thanks be to God, without a hitch.
Then the month of Ramadan came upon him with much blessing and good-will while he was in his magnificent encampment with his splendid soldiers and victorious and efficient army, under his excellent command and administration. Nobody was able to pilfer a grain of mustard or take anything from [215] outside without his wish and agreement.
He spent four nights of Ramadan in full observance of its rules. He laid out its sustenance and arranged its fare, with full observances and good deeds for the ulema, arrangements for the officials, and prayers for the fagihs'’ and the poor. He made provision from the sultan’s funds for the numerous fagihs in the vicinity who required help; something that had not been done before by any other visiting minister. In this way he evoked sincere prayers from the population of the Holy Places in support of the Sultan of Islam in east and west, and achieved more from those who fight with prayers than from those who do so in war; and more from those who wage war through supplication and miracles in the name of the Noble and the Supreme than from troops in battle and contest.
Indeed, the arrows of prayer from such people really hit their mark and the effect of their weapons is very clear both in their presence and their absence. And then he departed with his troops, vigorous and true, accompanied, God willing, by help and victory.
CHAPTER 2 [216] The minister’s progress by land from Mecca to blessed Yemen
§ With the arrival of the fourth day of Ramadan, the minister decided to set out and gave orders for the troops to march without delay. Great was the dust and the commotion, and the clamour and din increased as the troops raced to collect their belongings and break their camp and quarters, raising their voices in calls to each other. The summons to march was like a bugle call and, as the troops spread out, in all the coming and going, the Day of Judgment could be seen.
With his fine intelligence the minister realised that sections of the army might lose their way during the journey and follow their own inclination. He therefore went himself to the head of the convoy and cautioned them against getting out of hand and breaking ranks. He travelled with the army, its contrast in colour, its plumes and its chain mail, its standards and its shields, its flashing swords and its scabbards, its spears and its sabres, and its brave hearts and pedigree horses. Nights of battle were adorned with stars struck through the clash of sword blades. Herds of horses stemmed the flow of blood. Clouds of arrows from both earth and sky showered upon the people of Thula and Kawkaban.
The minister directed Commander Hamzah, one of the leading commanders and a man of courage, resource and strength, to stay behind in Mecca and keep the troops from horseplay and dissipation, and, in the event of their persistent delay and procrastination, to drive them forward. In this he was absolutely right and correct for, without such foresight, the riff-raff who remained would have caused tremendous damage. Almighty God prevented [217] such disorder and, after such trouble and exertion, each one was able to take his ease. They went their way, appreciated, triumphant, with God’s good-will, supported and victorious.
His blessed departure took place on Monday 4 Ramadan, 976/20 February 1569. The packs had been tied up and the loads carried out; and after the riding animals had been driven out and the horses led out, there had been some delay over the army’s remaining slaves as there was over searching for those who had fled the expedition and avoided contact. But the Grand Sharif’s agent in Mecca, Qa’id’? Muhammad b. ‘Aqabah, rounded them up and sent them after the minister so that they could catch him up at the first stopover. They accordingly did so at al-Sa‘diyyah, where the minister had stopped to allow the troops to break ranks and rest. He was grateful for the ga@’id’s effort and clothed his messenger in a caftan when he handed over some of the slaves who had accompanied the army from Mecca. After retrieving them the minister directed the messenger to restore them to their owners, treating him kindly and courteously and returning him to his post.
The population thanked the minister for acting in the way he had, conveying their prayers of gratitude, whereupon he struck camp and moved forwards. He continued to humour the bedu at the stopping and watering places, treating them kindly and giving them clothes at every stage. He covered all the stopovers and went right across the desert and savannah, all the time accompanying his troops, travelling by their side over some of the roads, and sustaining them through hardship and danger with his sound judgment and kind behaviour. In such a way they crossed plains and sands, climbed passes and mountains, wearing out the backs of their horses and camels, goading their horses and mules, and ploughing up the remains of the animal tracks throughout their journey. And they consumed all they came across throughout the countryside in the way of straw and pasture.
CHAPTER 3
20
[218] The minister’s arrival, with his mighty army, at Jizan;”’ its capture
and its reorganisation
§ As the esteemed minister approached Jizan, those within the town who had called for rebellion fled, leaving it completely devastated and devoid of livestock and valuables; for al-Sarraj, a headman supporting Mutahhar,”! who had occupied it in the past, in fear of his life, had made his own escape to the open country. The minister arrived at Jizan at the end of Ramadan, at the same time as the feast of al-Fitr, and pitched his large tent there. This struck a propitious note as people were celebrating the feast. He proclaimed for them peace and security, increasing their pleasure and sense of security. Indeed, this was his first conquest without fighting and intimidation; and the mighty army took it as a good omen for conquest and approaching victory.
During the minister’s stay there, the tribesmen approached him from all sides asking permission to submit and offering their loyalty. Among them were the people of Sabya” who came forward and presented themselves to him. They offered their fealty and submission, whereupon he welcomed them, handing them gifts and clothes and treating them with courtesy. They went off full of appreciation for the meeting with him and praising his kindness for such personal contact. Tribesmen from Yemen thronged to him in large numbers, offering submission and seeking peace, surrendering and capitulating without prevarication or [219] hesitation. The mountains and strongholds of Yemen waited in dread for news of his arrival: its castles, hills and centres trembled; and its regions shook at the approach of this expedition.
On his arrival in Zabid, ‘Uthman Pasha™ had observed Hasan Pasha’s”* treatment of the population. For he had impounded their property and put them in prison. ‘Uthman gave orders for Hasan Pasha to be searched and he was able to recover much that had been taken which he returned to the owners, to the great delight of the townsfolk. Hasan Pasha was much put out by the search and the recovery of the property and began in vain to look for assistance. He then decided to return to Egypt and took a boat for Kamaran” but, at news of the minister’s arrival in Jizan, he immediately appealed to him, throwing himself on his mercy. The minister gave him a friendly reception and pardoned him for his crimes during the period of unrest. The pasha began to devote himself to duty and the minister was most responsive. He treated him with generosity and honour and began to entrust him with important business and to give him special commissions.
In truth, a great man’s vision does what the elixir cannot do; although, if Hasan Pasha had not done that, he would not have escaped such dangers. God will be the judge.
CHAPTER 4
[220] The minister’s journey from Jizan to Ta‘izz to counter difficulties faced by ‘Uthman Pasha
§ Having finished organising Jizan and strengthening its commanders, the minister hastened to travel to Ta‘izz with the army where he was told that ‘Uthman Pasha and the garrison remaining with him in Ta‘izz were in dire straits; for the mountain tribesmen had disrupted their supplies from every direction. Famine had set in. They lacked forage and provender for their livestock and were greatly perplexed since they could neither return to Zabid nor complete their seizure of the area surrounding Ta‘izz. The citadel of alQahirah” was hard to capture and covered Ta‘izz and its gate, allowing none of the Turks to enter or leave the town without being hit by the guns from the citadel heights. Many of the brave Ottoman troops were killed, including Husayn Agha, head of the Kawkaliyyah (light cavalry) in Egypt, and a number of its brave men.
This situation had discouraged them as they waited for speedy relief from God in His might and glory until they heard of the minister’s arrival. Their spirits returned to their bodies and, after such depression and despair, they felt the pulse of life within them. But the seditious tribesmen were terrified and, seizing their meagre possessions, they all fled. Then, the minister, with tremendous speed, cut across the stages of his way like a book scroll, avoiding camp and spring, till his banners waved in victory and his marvels were clear to the eye as dawn broke [221] in the depths of a dark night. The light of his face shone forth and the features of that desperate period relaxed in smiles as the faithful delighted in God’s victory his blessed arrival had brought; and, after such terror, fear and anxiety began to leave them.
As the minister pitched his camp in the district with his armies, God with utmost favour kept a watch over him. The mighty army tramped the mountains of Ta‘izz and its environs; the conscripted troops filled its valleys and plateaux. Their numbers cast a dark curtain over the light of day; their white banners threw flashes of radiant light. The noble tents were erected; and the vast and splendid encampment fixed in the scorching desert of that broad landscape as if the seven tiers were one of its domes,” and the rays from the sun and the moon were among the ropes that held its tents; indeed, the sky’s constellations were within the angle vaults of its pavilions and the cloud covering was one of its marquee ceilings.
At sight of this tremendous army, as they looked towards the clash of waves within this enormous sea, the Zaydi sought a mountain refuge to protect them from the water and began for their safety to strengthen their positions on Mt al-Aghbar.”* They did not realise that flight to Mt al-Aghbar would not protect them; for today virtue is the only defence against God’s command.”
Their reason for gathering at Mt al-Aghbar, without fleeing in a mass to the open country, arose from their desire to encourage the people of alQahirah who would see their steadfastness in face of the Ottoman troops and would thus refuse to hand over the citadel as a demonstration of assistance and a gesture of numerical support. It is the practice of the Arabs of these parts to light fires so that they can be seen by the people in the castles; and, likewise, the castle occupants light fires for the bedu and hillmen to let them know they have received such a signal. Both sides therefore kindled their fire to encourage each other by showing they were standing firm rather than fleeing; so they, for so long anticipating hell, now set to with the utmost urgency and continued their efforts until day broke. Meanwhile, they shouted at each other from a distance, using the language of people in hell-fire and the misery of the hereafter.
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