Download PDF | Byzantium And Islam (9-10th centuries) A historical evaluation of the the role of religion in Byzantine-Muslim Relations, By Al-Amin Abdel-Hameed Abou-Seada, PH.D Birmingham University , June 2000.
405 Pages
Abstract
The aim of this thesis is to examine and evaluate the religious aspects of Byzantine-Muslim relations from 843 to 1025 AD.
Chapter I is a general introduction to the early encounters between Islam and Christianity generally, and between Byzantium and Islam in particular. Chapter 2: provides a general survey of the religious themes of the Byzantine-Muslim relations, such as Jihad, the role of Muslim clerics in the Byzantine-Muslim struggle and the impact of religion on trade and diplomacy.
Chapter 3: examines the fate of ethnic minorities between the two powers. This includes the prisoners of war, who, in most cases, spent several years in the hands of their enemies, as well as captive children and slave women. Renegades and apostates will be studied among the ethnic minorities. Chapter 4: is a historical evaluation of the Byzantine anti-Islamic polemic. Each individual work is examined and compared with other Byzantine sources together with any repercussions or cross-influences on the Muslim sources.
Chapter 5: is a review of all the Muslim polemical works which were related more or less to the Byzantine-Muslim struggle. There were a considerable number of Muslim theologians who were totally aware of the Byzantine polemic and the religious controversies and paid special attention to refuting the Byzantine claims and to counter-attacking the writings and propaganda of the Byzantine theologians.
Chapter 6: This chapter aims to elucidate and examine the main general themes of the Byzantine-Muslim polemic and to shed light on its peculiar features within the wider context of Christian-Muslim polemic.
Introduction
In an Indian story, a father and a son were confronting each other in a long standing dispute. The father drew a number 9 in the sand, and asked his son “Do you see what I drew now? You see it as 6, and I see it as 9. From your place you will never perceive what I see, and neither will I ever perceive what you see”, This simple story has a striking similarity to the Muslim-Christian dialogue through the centuries, when each side worshipped God on its own terms and often judged its foe’s religion on the basis of his own view and perception.
Religion has played a crucial role in human history, not only in the daily life of people within their political boundaries, but also in the relations between different states and cultures. It was, and remains, the pretext for war, a motive for fighting, a consolation in turmoil, and the means of cheer at times of victory. Soldiers, as well as ordinary people, pray for support and victory. Sacred books and objects are a spiritual support in the baggage of many soldiers. In international relations, ethnic minorities and their treatment still attract outside intervention or attention. Ethnic minorities are often the first to suffer in most internal and international conflicts.
In modern times, the historical misunderstanding between Muslims and Christians over issues of creed still exists. Contradictions between religion and politics remain deeply problematic and often dangerous, leaving an impact on the lives of millions. Unfortunately, in the name of religion, some appalling crimes of ethnic cleansing or terrorism still blindly batter innocent people in different places of the
world. Although the role of religion in political relations has declined compared with the middle ages, the medieval patterns of polemic and propaganda are still widely employed and a fortiori are taking advantage of the mass media revolution of our times.
Undoubtedly, religion deeply coloured life in the medieval world, and had a greater impact than now in all its aspects; accordingly its effects covered a wide range of the internal and external affairs of both Byzantium and caliphates. This thesis aims to illustrate and examine the role of religion in Byzantine-Muslim relations, and its effect on military-politico affairs. In other words, it will examine the religious aspects of these relations through two centuries (843-1025), not only in the polemical texts but also in every aspect of the relations between Byzantium and the Muslim powers in the east Mediterranean.
These particular time boundaries (843-1025) delimit an important period in the history of the east Mediterranean, when the caliphate had passed climax and had begun to decline slowly and steadily. Henceforth, the balance of power turned to the Byzantine side. At the same time, Muslim and Christian theologians became more acquainted with the creeds of each other. The Bible was made available in Arabic, and presumably a Greek translation of the Qur’dn was available in Byzantium. This coincided with the climax of Arabic philosophy (Kalam).
This study begins by considering the early religious encounters between the Muslims and the Byzantines, and the religious and spiritual character of the whole relationship between the two worlds will be elucidated. Second, there will be an analytical study of Byzantine anti-Islamic writings. As far as the Muslim texts are concerned, a selected group of them, particularly those which bear the peculiar feature of Byzantine-Muslim polemic, will be examined.
My main aim in this thesis is beyond the scope of a mere theological study; mainly it is historical and I will focus on the religious characteristics of ByzantineMuslim relations, within the historical context, and in the light of the military and political relations. This will provide a means of eliciting Byzantine attitudes towards Islam in:
- Byzantine literature. - Byzantine liturgical documents. - Byzantine diplomacy.
- The Byzantine court.
This will broadly connect between the two major contexts, Byzantium and Muslim world through their relations in the area of religion, within two wider contexts, Byzantine-Muslim politico-military struggle on one side and the Muslim-Christian polemic on the other. One has to limit one’s discussions to what has a direct connection with the Byzantine-Muslim relations, and what is the unique and genuine character of their polemic. For instance, the issue of the Trinity was and still remain one of the main themes of Muslim-Christian polemic, and almost endless literature was dedicated to it. Ipso facto Byzantine-Muslim theologians were no exception. One may suppose within the scope of this thesis, it would be almost pointless to devote a large part to simply discussing a theological issue, when after all it is not peculiar to the context chosen here. Similarly, there is no need, one may think, to re-examine and discuss in detail all the military clashes over the borders, as this would require a separate thesis, if not more. In sum, only the employments and effects of religion in these skirmishes are my scope here.
The main method of this thesis is to trace as many effects as possible of religion in every aspect of the relations between Byzantium and its Muslims neighbours in the eastern Mediterranean, that is to say, to investigate the military and political context in the light of the polemic, and vice versa. This will require the examination of a huge number of sources, in literature, history and theology, each with its own character and background. The wider view to be gained studying all these sharply different sources, will, it is hoped, produce a coherent study able to shed intensive light on an old topic from a new window, and certainly within a new approach.
In fact, Byzantine-Muslim relations have been studied by several scholars, but the religious scope of these relations still need further investigation. Some valuable contributions have been made,” but there are still several gaps to be filled, as the majority of these works stand on theological ground, and almost ignore the military struggle, while others limit their efforts to one particular author or text. At the same time, some of the modern scholars appear not to have an accurate knowledge of the Arabic language or of Islam; consequently they follow Byzantine writers in their misunderstanding of some Arabic words. Although some of them make considerable efforts to correct the Byzantine mistakes in the Arabic language, there is yet more to be done.
For example, in his book about St. John of Damascus on Islam, D. Sahas translates and comments on the text of Chapter 101, which is ascribed to John of Damascus. The author of the text, whether he was John of Damascus or not, made some simple mistakes in the Arabic language, and misunderstood some basic Islamic rites. In this text:
"These, then, were idolaters and they venerated the morning star and Aphrodite, whom notably they called Habar (XaBap), which means great 3... This, then, which they call "stone", is the head of Aphrodite, whom they used to venerate and whom they called Haber*"
The author seemed to be confused between several Arabic words,” but such grave mistakes could hardly have been expected from someone who worked in the government of four caliphs. Such simple mistakes in the Arabic language create deep doubt as to the authenticity of this work, and even give support to the possibility that it is a latter interpolation. The same criteria could be applied to other works attributed to Theodore Abi Qurrah.
Furthermore, some of the modern researchers on the Byzantine-Muslim polemic are more Byzantine in their sympathies or their misunderstanding of the Arabic language than the original Byzantines.°
More important some significant Arabic sources have not so far been used in this context. Though al-Jahiz is well known by western scholars and his treatise against Christianity has been translated into English, his encyclopaedia of zoology with its important allusions has never been utilized in Byzantine-Muslim studies. His colleague Mu'‘tazili al-Qadi ‘Abd al-Jabbar, is less fortunate, inasmuch as he has had no attention from modern Byzantinsts, notwithstanding his extremely important allusions to some social and religious aspects of the Byzantine-Muslim struggle in the tenth century. Similarly, al-Baqillani, the only Muslim polemicist, to my knowledge, who visited Constantinople and debated with the Byzantine clergy, has not been used sufficiently.” His alleged debate with the emperor Basil II on some religious issues has never been used or translated into any modern European languages.
This thesis will be divided as follows: The recent section contains: - Introduction. -Analytical study of the research sources. This will be an examination of the different sources, their nature, problems and the importance of each of them in the scheme of this dissertation.
Chapter I is a general historical introduction to the early encounters between Islam and
Christianity generally, and between Byzantium and Islam in particular. Some of the early polemical texts will be examined and some of the early features of the polemical texts will be traced.
Chapter 2: provides a general survey of the religious themes of the Byzantine-Muslim relations, such as Jihad, the role of Muslim clerics in the Byzantine-Muslim struggle and the impact of religion on trade and diplomacy.
Chapter 3: examines the fate of ethnic minorities between the two powers. This includes the prisoners of war, who, in most cases, spent several years in the hands of their enemies, as well as captive children, slave girls and Christian Arabs. Renegades and apostates will be studied among the ethnic minorities.
Chapter 4: is a historical evaluation of the Byzantine anti-Islamic polemic. Each individual work will be examined and compared with other Byzantine sources tighter with any repercussions or cross-influences on the Muslim sources.
Chapter 5: is a review of all the Muslim polemical works which were related more or less to the Byzantine-Muslim struggle. Although the main stream of Muslim polemic was only a part of the internal controversies within the boundaries of the realm of Islam, there was a considerable number of Muslim theologians who were totally aware of the Byzantine polemic and the religious controversies and paid special attention to refuting the Byzantine claims and to counter-attacking the writings and propaganda of the Byzantine theologians.
Chapter 6: This chapter aims to elucidate and examine the main general themes of the Byzantine-Muslim polemic and to shed light on its peculiar features within the wider context of Christian-Muslim polemic.
The appendix contains an English translation of extracts form Jathbit dala’il al- nubuwah of al-Qadi ‘Abd al-Jabbar.
The sources
As has been stated, the aim of this thesis is to examine and evaluate the religious aspects of Byzantine-Muslim relations from 843 to 1025 AD. I have limited my discussions to the Orthodox Muslims (Sunni) and Orthodox Christians (ie. Chalcedonian works), with a limited survey of other Christian sources, Arabic, Armenian and Syrian. Religious issues in this historical context tosis an examination of a wider range of materials, not only the polemical texts but also historical, geographical and hagiographical texts, as well as other literary material such as poetry and sermons.
With such a range of material one confronts varied scibletas Medieval writers were not often keen to write about the religious identity, life or practices of those of other cultures. For the Byzantines, it was enough for them merely to refer to Muslims, as barbarians or sons of Hagar, with no consideration or attention to their religion. In addition, it is almost impossible to find information in the sources about public attitudes toward Islam or Muslims. Hagiography is a valuable source of religious life but, as Vasiliev pointed out, the hagiographers used to “intermingle reality with fantasy, historical facts with fairy tales”,’ which was a consequence of the main aim of the writer, that is to glorify his saint.”
In any case, it is well known that, in both Byzantine and Islamic history, contemporary sources were being shared, and often copied, sometimes verbatim, by later historians. In some cases, the historians referred to their sources and scarcely made any comment on them. Mostly they quote at length, without reference to their source. Some of the books were copied several times, mostly with additions or alterations from the later copiers. Presumably, the polemical texts would be vulnerable targets to such alteration. At the same time, other works are known to have been reproduced several times over the centuries and were accompanied by numerous amendments and alterations to the original text. Here, equally, the polemical texts seem especially vulnerable in this regard, and they often become the target of more blatant distortion. In addition, some of the active Arab authors modify their own books, which means that there are often several different copies of the book in existence. In the introduction to his book, Yahya al-Antaki sheds valuable light upon this particular problem of the sources during his time.’ The same warning concerning different versions or copies of the same work, even during the life of the author, was issued by al-Mas‘iidi.* Furthermore, some of the most important sources are no longer extant, while there are many Arabic manuscripts still unpublished. °
The Muslim historian al-Mas‘iidi realised that the people of his time generally appreciated the earlier writers more than their own contemporaries. He reports that alJahiz, the eminent Arab thinker, took this consideration seriously, and attributed some of his own writings to previous well-known writers and, surprisingly, they had a better reception. In contrary, when some of his excellent works appeared under his name, he received less appreciation.° This tendency, presumably, pushed some writers to attribute their treatises to already well-known writers. This is just one of many examples which can be cited in respect of the complexities in dealing with the sources and the context of their production.
Religious texts and polemical texts in particular raise a totally different issue and require careful examination. Polemical texts have particular features with regard to their target reader, their aim and style and finally the way in which they have been handled and used by later generations.
The polemical texts are usually intractable sources, inasmuch as they are mainly apologies, dialogues and arguments mostly ad hominem. Their grave lack of chronological data deeply complicated the task of the modern researcher to identify the missing author or date. Furthermore, every polemical work is a unique piece of literature; it has its particular characters and reflects the author’s (or the later copier or even interpolator’s) ideas and style. One can assume that the polemical works are more likely to be the suspect of interpolation or modification by later writers and copiers, because of their nature as defenders of belief. It would seem that a sense of religious
duty impelled those late copiers to add their own modifications to such works if these could make them appear more effective. There are even some cases of complete polemical works invented and attributed to well-known thinkers.
In the same way, it is safe to assume that the texts of the dialogues between different sides are usually completely different from what the real dialogues themselves must have been. One side wrote most of the text generally a certain time after the dialogue took place. The dialogues were mostly written by the interlocutor himself or later by his disciples. However, the personality, ability and answers of the interlocutor in the majority of these dialogues seem to be the target of the writer or the later copier. In some cases, the interlocutor is portrayed as simple-minded, anxious for knowledge rather than capable of challenge; he gives tailor-made questions, just to give the master more opportunities to refute them.’ However, in the texts of dialogues there is an explicit tendency to put the interlocutor (or even create one) in a high position, possibly the caliph himself or some distinguished emir from the Muslim side® or a patriarch or a certain scholar from the Christian side,” so as to make the future victory (in the dialogue) look more decisive.
Biblical and Qur’anic interpretations and quotations were used on both sides, in their writings, to defend their own belief and refute that of the other. These sacred books were the backbone at every stage in the polemical writings in both sides; they
were the fixed, holy and unmistakable sources of every possible question. On the Muslim side, the Qur’dn set the guidelines to Muslim thinkers to call, preach, challenge and refute all other dogmas.
However, the Bible, of course, did not deal with Islam; hence it was a task for the Christian thinkers to find a Biblical exegesis for the phenomenon of Islam and what was more important, to find aid from the Bible in refuting and challenging the Muslim dogmas. Since Muslims were assured that the Bible had already foretold Muhammad,"the Bible, particularly the Old Testament, became itself a polemical battlefield between the two sides. However, these sacred books are full of metaphorical stories and in a highly complicated linguistic style, and require caution. Accordingly they should be studied within their context. .
The Greek sources
Anti-Islamic polemic was evidently born and elaborated in the East, when the Christian thinkers in the seventh century faced the early waves of Muslim conquest and tried to find a Biblical exegesis for the phenomenon of Islam and Arabic victories, rather than writing a polemic against it.Sophronios of Jerusalem in some of his sermons attempted to find a Biblical interpretation of the phenomenon of Islam. He saw . this turmoil as God’s punishment (of course temporary) of the Christians for their sins. _ His explanation reflects the first Christian understanding of Islam.’* Anastasios of Sinai (d. after 700) showed a more direct approach and clearer understanding of Islam, with some allusions to the early debates between Muslims and Christians at the end of the seventh century.” _ Other early texts allude to Islam accidentally within the context of the Arabic conquests. Doctrina Jacobi, which is written around 646/647, ' is one of the early texts which refers to Islam and Muhammad. The explicit expression “Mi yap Tpopitat wet& Eipous kal Gpyatos Epxovtar””™ lays the foundation of the Christian attitudes towards Muhammad as a prophet and a statesman. The text reflects the repercussions and echoes of the advance of Islam and the different interpretations it received from Jews and Byzantines. The chronicle of John of Nikiu (7 c.), the Egyptian Coptic bishop,” gives a vivid portrait of the complex attitude of the local Egyptians towards their new masters, the Arabs.
Theophanes the Confessor (760-817) devotes a short passage in his chronicle'® to Islam, its prophet and its origin, presumably using some oriental sources.
These pages of Theophanes were used several times by other Byzantine writers. Similarly George Monachos’’ deals with Islam and Muhammad briefly in his chronicle, in which he draws heavily on Theophanes, but his vehemence and combative language characterise his writings.
_ Byzantine hagiography provides a rich and abundant source of material for the religious life. In dealing with Byzantine Muslim warfare, there are quite a number of saints’ vitas which give glimpses of information, especially the vitas and passions of those who had been killed by the Arabs. Yet these works mostly tend to exaggerate and mingle historical events with fantasy, but they are still a valuable source for the religious affairs of the Byzantine-Muslim relations.”” The most important work of Byzantine hagiography is attributed to Evode”' (d. 883), about whom we know almost nothing; he composed the vita and passions of 42 Byzantine prisoners who fell into Muslim hands es sad stayed in Iraq several years after the fall of Amorium. Later they were offered the ’ chance to convert to Islam, but when they refused, they were executed and performed miracles after their death.”
Halkin published another vita of these 42 Byzantines, in a text considerably _ different from Evode’s.” Halkin does not indicate any author for his text, which seems to be anonymous. Evode composed other polemical works against Islam, which are not published yet.”*
Niketas of Byzantium (c. 9". century)
The main Byzantine polemicist against Islam is Niketas of Byzantium.” Unfortunately, Niketas is one of the least known among Byzantine theological authors. There is no clear information about him in any contemporary source. In his works there is almost no chronological indication, no names and no dates, except for his two letters in answer to letters sent by Muslims, in which he says that these letters were sent to the emperor Michael, son of Theophilos. However, Demetriades in his thesis has argued that these two letters are fictitious, or at least belong to a later date, possibly the 11" or 12! Century.”* In spite of the importance of Niketas’ works, to my knowledge, he has never been mentioned in any other Byzantine source, and unfortunately never cared to | say anything about his personal life.
| Niketas’s writings were a watershed in the Byzantine polemic against Islam. It started an era of comprehensive knowledge of Islam, and hence may infer that a Greek translation of the Qur’an became available in Byzantium. It is no surprise that more
accurate and elaborate works followed those of Niketas; among these is an anonymous ‘treatise (10/11 C.) Contra Mohammed In the 12" century Euthymius Zygabenus™ (1 1-12 century) composed his polemical work against Muslims, in which he seemingly draws on Nicetas of Byzantium.” Similarly Bartholomew of Edessa,’and Niketas Choniates*! wrote similar polemical treatises against Islam, in which they follow the
‘lead of Niketas. Bartholomew in particular is similar to Niketas in several respects. He shares with him a tendency to very vehement and offensive language against Islam and its prophet. Both men offer a very intensive and accurate knowledge of Islam, surprisingly combined with some grave mistakes in their understanding of Islam and Muslim rites. Finally, the chronological and biographical details of both of them are obscure, as no concrete evidence sheds any light on their life, either in their works or from any other source.
However, there are several other writers who offer some glimpses of Islam.*
While the previous works were written within the Byzantine borders, there is a letter
addressed to a certain Muslim emir, and attributed to Arethas of Caesarea.” The letter, however, survives in one single Greek MS. in Moscow.” The background to this letter is complex and it is internally contradictory, thus the authenticity and contents are ; still open to question.”»
_ Byzantine military texts provide good material concerning Muslims, the enemies of the empire. For most the main concer was confined to the battlefield, but others ". were well acquainted with Muslims, not only their military tactics, but also their religion and its connection with their warfare. Furthermore, they deal with some unique points, scarcely treated in other sources, for instance, the prisoners of war, the deserters and the importance of religion, not only in rising the morale of soldiers and seeking divine dippore but also in propaganda and for recruitment of more volunteers in the armies. Luckily, there are several military treatises which were compiled in the tenth and eleventh centuries,” some of which provide texts of some imperial decrees concerning
Muslims who stayed in Byzantium.
Some Byzantine emperors had literary ability, and they produced some important treatises, mostly concerning state affairs, the army, or sermons. The Emperor Leo VI, (886 - 912) in his Tactica*’ alluded not only to the Muslims’ tactics but also to their religion and its impact on the battlefield.
The letters of the Byzantine emperors, patriarchs, and officials are a first-class source of information. Although these letters often present a personal view, they deal with points seldom revealed by historians. Among these documents, is a letter of the ee John Tzimiskes (969- 976) addressed to King Ashot III of Armenia, concerning his war against the Muslims,** albeit with some exaggeration and - boastfulness. The letter bears an unmistakable crusading spirit against the Muslims. The
emperor vows to retake the Christian holy places in Jerusalem. Significantly, it also ee his aim to obtain as many as possible of the sacred relics from the East.
Leo Choerosphactes” was a Byzantine ambassador to both the ‘Abbasid and
a Bulgarian courts. He certainly had several meetings with Arab emirs and thinkers in the
Abbasid court. Unfortunately the correspondence of Leo does not give many details
about his personal experiences in Baghdad. The Arabic sources The Qur’an is the Muslims’ sacred book. It was revealed in instalments to
Muhammad through the angel Gabriel. During the life of the prophet, Muslims used to
memorise the verses once they were unveiled to him. Later the Qur’an was collected in one single volume, then distributed to all the parts of Muslim caliphate.“° The Qur’an is the main source for the Muslim creed as well as its polemic; it is the first Muslim ‘polemical text, and the master guide for Muslim thinkers in their challenges to Christian polemics. It is noteworthy that the Qur’an in its dealing with the Christians deals with that task gradually and in different stages, each different in tone, style and attitude. At the same time, the Qur’an gives a glimpse of the life of the Arabs before Islam and the early years of Muslim history.’
The second source for the Islamic creed is Hadith. Hadith is every saying, piece of advice, command, and guidance given by the prophet Muhammad. Furthermore, it .also includes every act or practice he himself performed in his private or public life, even the way he used to dress or eat, as well as every act performed by others which he
| approved, praised or recommended.”” Unlike the Qur’an there was no official policy of collecting and examining the authenticity of the narratives of the Hadith, and it was kept alive in the memory of Muslims, till they developed a systematic way of collecting and confirming it.“ In the third century pioneer works began to collect and examine thousands of narratives attributed to the prophet. By the end of the third Muslim century there was a list of standard Hadith collections*®
At the same time, a large number of narratives were attributed to the prophet
for political and religious or other reasons.““However, Hadith can be considered as a ssid Muslim polemical text. The personal life of the prophet was the material of the most of the Christian polemical texts. Hadith collections are a first-class historical ~ source, reflecting explicitly the daily life of early Muslim society.
As far as Byzantium is concerned, there are some apocalyptic Hadiths attributed to Muhammad, in which he prophesised that Muslims would take control of Constantinople. These Hadiths, as Canard pointed out, were used to encourage the soldiers in the war against Byzantium.*’ In the tenth century when Tarsiis played a
. crucial role in Muslim-Byzantine warfare, several traditions appeared which praise the city and its fighters, and encouraged Muslims to support it, if not dedicating themselves to saving such a God-protected city. The correspondences between Leo HI and ‘Umar II
On both sides, ‘Umar II b. ‘Abd al-‘Aziz and Leo III, were pious reformers. As for ‘Umar II, he was unusual phenomenon among the Umayyad caliphs, who lived a luxurious and worldly life. At the same time, he was keen to restore the supposed humility and piety of the Muslim caliph.
‘Umar II and Leo III exchanged polemical letters in which both refute the other’s arguments and defend their own faith. While some sources confirm such a correspondence between the two rulers,* the authenticity of the surviving texts of the letters, though they are published several times in several versions, is still under discussion among modern scholars who tend to consider them as a later interpolation
- and date them around the end of the ninth century.” The current available texts may be
_ summarised as follows:
.° An Armenian text inserted by Ghevond the Armenian historian in his history. The text consists of a drastically abbreviated copy of ‘Umar’s letter (2 pages), and a
lengthy letter of Leo (50) pages.” While Beck” and Jeffery assume that there was ee existing Greek original of this Armenian text, their theory was challenged by
Gero, who presumes that the text was originally written in Armenian.
as A Latin text,”*which Gaudeul convincingly argues is a rather “simple draft drawn up _ - much later probably in western milieu” since it implies the Latin filioque.™
- A ‘eat Arabic anonymous version, considered by some modern scholars as ~ ‘Umar’s reply.”
.. -- An Aliamiado text in Arabic script but using Romance dialect, which is a version of -. “Umar’s reply found among other polemical works within a manuscript in the national library of Madrid (BNM. N. 4944) and translated into French in a Ph.D te thesis in Montpellier.
eo Finally, a re-constructed artificial copy of the missing letter of ‘Umar’s, the text of
which Gaudeul tried to reconstruct using both the anonymous Arabic version and ook the Aliamiado text, conjecturing with the quotations in Leo’s letter of the original F ‘Muslim letter, now missing.*”
_The letter of caliph Hariin al-Rashid to the emperor Constantine VI
This document has had scant attention from modern scholars. It was published in Egypt in the Arabic language several times, and published recently with a French translation. The letter is the first fully authentic encounter between Muslims and Byzantines in the religious context. The author tries to argue with the emperor and refute the Christian creeds using quotations from the Bible, but overall, his knowledge of the Christian book is not comparable to that of the late Muslim theologians. However, the letter rejects and refutes some of the early Christian objections against
Islam.
Islamic polemic
Al-Tabari, ‘All b. Rabban” (c. 855 A.D.)
He is a newly converted Muslim doctor. There is some confusion about the name of his father. ‘Ali al-Tabart was one of the members of the ‘Abbasid court during the reign of al-Mu‘tasim and al-Mutawakil. The book of ‘Ali al-Tabari was part of the new anti-Christian policy of the caliph, al-Mutawakil. He himself states this clearly in his introduction.*’ Although, his arguments are far from the rational style of
other Muslim thinkers, that is the Mu‘tazilah School in Iraq, and other Muslim theologians who contributed effectively to Muslim-Christian polemic, nevertheless, his contribution to Muslim polemic is substantial, inasmuch as he used his knowledge as a former Christian to introduce the Bible in detail to the Muslim reader.
Al-Jahiz (the exophthalmic), Abi ‘Uthman ‘Amr b. Bahr (d. 869 A.D./ 255H.) He is one of the leading Arab thinkers of all time. He wrote several works on various different topics; he has a unique ability “to write any thing about any topic”. Al-Mas‘idi criticised him bitterly and accused him of writing in several contradictory directions, even against his belief as a thinker of Mu'‘tazilah® School,
Al-Jahiz, a prolific writer, composed various works,” of which two merit special attention. One is his short and extremely important treatise against Christians. It was a part of the state propaganda under the caliph al-Mutawakil, but at the same
time, reflects the moderate attitude of the man and his school, al-Mu‘tazilah, towards
Christians and explicitly indicates the spiritual disharmony of the Muslim empire in his time. The other work of interest is his great encyclopaedia about animals, in which he summarised the zoological knowledge of the Arabs. In this book he discusses the castration of animals, then moves to subject of eunuchs, and accuses the Byzantines of being ruthless and kidnapping Muslim children in order to castrate them. His wide interests cover several aspects of his society; he was interested in animals, slave girls, the singular odd groups in society, such as eunuchs and misers, and anti-Arab movements as well as jinn and Arabic myths. This wide ranging of knowledge puts him in the elite among the Arabic writers and thinkers of all times.
Al-Maturidi, (d. 944-333H.) He is the thinker of Ahl al-Sunnah, the Orthodox Muslims. He and his school, which was named after him, contributed to the controversies between the different Muslim sects in his time. He devoted a small part of his works to the anti-Christian polemic. On the contrary, ‘Abd al-Jabbar al-Qadi Abii al-Hassan al-Hamadhant (d.1025/ 415) was the master of the famous school of al-Mu’tazila and composed several philosophical religious works. In them, he paid close attention to the Byzantine victories in the tenth century and their impact on
Christian-Muslim polemic.”
Al-Qaffal al-Shashi Muhammad b. ‘Ali (d. 975-976 / 365 H).””
When the Abbasid caliphate was on the wane sii unable to maintain or even support the Jihad against Byzantium, public feeling in the Islamic world was still in favour of the idea of Jihad. Far away from Baghdad, a city of wealth and corruption in the tenth century, the voluntaries in Khurasan came along to take part in the struggle. Al-Qaffal al-Shashi was a religious man who played a significant role in this Khurasanite movement. He was simply the “advocator of the religion by the sword and pen”.”! Among his several works is a long polemical poem which he wrote while he was in Asia Minor fighting with Muslim armies. The poem, consisting of 74 verses” is extremely important. One can say that every verse in this unique poem reflects historical and religious aspects of the context of Byzantine-Muslim relations. It deals with a wide range of polemical and political issues.
Al-Baqillani, Abi Bakr Muhammad b. al-Tayyib (d. 1013/403) is the only Muslim apologist to have faced a Byzantine emperor in Constantinople.” As a member of the Ash‘arih sect (the orthodox Muslims), he contributed to large-scale religious debates. He was a prolific writer; most of his writings were directed in defence of Islam
and the Orthodox Muslim sect (ah! al-Sunnah). His first book is Kitab al-Tamhid (the introduction), in which he devotes a part to refuting: Christian dogmas, and the authenticity of the Bible.” It is noteworthy that the main obsession of al-Baqillant was defending the Qur’an and confirming its authenticity, which generally put him in the situation of defending the Qur’an against the polemics of non-Muslims as well as the so-called Muslim heretical of free thinkers. His twelve known works are devoted mostly to this aim.” Ibn Hazm, Muhammad (348/7 H. / 994- 418 H. / 1027?) Ibn Hazm was born and lived in the cultural milieu of Spain (al-Andalus); he is one of the Muslim theologians who devoted most of his writings to defending Islam and refuting non-Muslim polemic. Ibn Hazm was a prolific writer, covering a wide area of Islamic culture, but his masterpiece is an encyclopaedia of religions and sects,” in which he displays and refutes most of the known non-Islamic dogmas. He examines all the sects which he considers to be non-pure and hence heretical (or at least, which stray from Orthodox Islam) and refutes their teachings, using logical discussion and quotations from the Qur’an.””
As for Christianity, he shows a good and solid knowledge of the Christian dogma.
At the same time, he tried to use logical means and avoids frequent quotations from the Qur’an. He devotes the second volume of his book to an intensive discussion of the Bible, mainly the New Testament.”* The other work of Ibn Hazm, which is related directly to the Byzantine-Muslim polemic, is his long poem refuting the one sent by the emperor Nikephoros Phokas.” Ibn Hazm’s reply is one of two Islamic poems written to challenge the Byzantine threat. Both poems are slightly different in several respects. In chapter 5 of this thesis I discuss these poems in the full context of Byzantine-Muslim polemic.
These selected Muslim polemical works have been chosen inasmuch as they are related in one way or another, to the Muslim-Byzantine context. At the same time there is an enormous number of other works,” which lie beyond the scope of this current work, but nevertheless will be consulted whenever appropriate.
Arabic historiography
In the ninth century Arabic historical writings reached a climax. Yet the oral tradition, mainly poetry, and the traditional Jsnad, was still widely practised. Several historical written works began to appear following the pioneer work of Muhammad Ibn Ishaq (d. 150 H. / 767 A.D.)"of a biography of the prophet.*? The vivid and rich historical materials on Byzantine-Muslim relations provided by Muslim historians seem
to be disappointingly reduced when dealing with questions of religion and polemic.
Al-Baladhuri, Ahmad b. Yahya (d. 892 AD/ 279 H.) composed a work on the Muslim conquests;® significantly he omitted some of the long chains of authorities. He offers some useful glimpses on the first stages of the relations between Muslim armies and the Christian population in Syria and Egypt. Al-Ya‘qibt, Ahmad b. Ishaq (d. 292 H.? / 905 Ad.)** composed an annual chronicle, which ended in the year 872.°5 His other work is the kitab al-Buldan, in which he deals briefly with the Byzantine army and the Byzantine-Muslim borders.*° However, he mentions that he has devoted a special book to Byzantium, its lands, army and men, which is missing.*”
Al-Tabari, Abii Ja‘far Muhammad b. Jarir (225-310 H. / 840-922 AD.).* Al-Tabari simply is the master of all the Muslim historians; his works extend from the religious to historical topics. His great chronicle 7a’rikh al-rusul wa al-mulik covers the beginning of creation until 915 AD / 303 H. His other main work is his great Tafsir of the Qur’an (explanation of the Qur’an).™ There is also a relatively unknown short treatise on the family of Muhammad and his early disciples. It is called al-Muntakhab
min kitab dhayl al-mudhayl min tarikh al-sahabah wa al-tabi‘in,' in which he deals with the controversial marriage of Muhammad with Zaynab b. Jahsh, the former wife of his adopted son, Zayd b. Harithah. Surprisingly, al-Tabari seems to be totally unaware of any Christian polemic against this particular marriage. He simply and honestly records the narratives and views of the Muslim authorities, with few personal comments. In a word, he offers more abundant materials on the Byzantine-Muslim conflict but nevertheless his approach to the religious aspects of this conflict is rather vague and cursory.
Aba ‘Amr ‘Uthman al-Tarsiisi’.” Although being a local historian, his memories of his city Tarsiis are extremely important to the study of the ByzantineMuslim relations in the tenth century. He offers first-hand information and an eyewitness account of the city, its walls, fortifications, population and more important the local military religious organizations of the city and their connection with the city’s clerics and mosque. His lively account records in detail the nature of the life of the Muslim volunteers, their original cities, and their clerics; furthermore he alludes to the Greek and Armenian populations near the city and their uniquely peaceful relations with this Muslim military base.
Significantly, he records honestly several narratives attributed to the prophet and other early Muslim authorities, on the city of Tarsiis and its virtues (manaqib). These traditions seem to be introduced specially to promote the Muslim jihad in the absence of formal efforts from the incompetent caliphs. Although his book as a whole is
missing, the surviving fragments published by I. ‘Abbas are still of great importance.
Al-Mas‘iidi (d. 345or 346 / 956) is a prolific Arab writer, who made wide contributions to all known branches of knowledge in his time.” In his thirty books, he covers various topics from astrology, geography and religion to the history of his time.°* He divided his material between his books, and frequently refers his reader (often confusingly) to more information in this book or that. Unfortunately most of his books are lost but the surviving ones are still of great value for studying ByzantineMuslim relations.
He was interested in religions and religious debates; we know that he composed at least three books on religions,’*which are missing. His main surviving work is Mur ij al-dhahab wa ma‘adin al-Jawhar, in which he put a large collection of items of news, stories, geographical accounts and some scientific topics from astrology, philosophy, religion and medicine. He was well acquainted with the events of his time, knew several languages and had travelled for several years. He had also read most of the Arab Christian writers, especially the historians, such as al-Manbaji and Ibn al-Batriq, and he engaged in several arguments with Christian thinkers, even in the churches in Iraq.”°
Ibn Miskawayh,”(d. 1030/ 421 H) presents a new series of local chronicles.
Ibn Miskawayh was secretary and librarian in the Daylamite administration. His position makes him an eyewitness of local events in the ‘Abbasid caliphate in the tenth century. The main work of Ibn Miskawayh is his history Kitab tajarib al-umam®™ which is the main source for the events in Iraq, as well as the struggle between the Hamdanids against Byzantium. While he quotes verbatim from al-Tabari and al-Tanikhi, whom he refers to several times, his work is the main source for late historians who copied from him.”
The book of Ibn Miskawayh was supplemented by al-Rudhrawari, Abi Shuji‘ Muhammad b. al-Husayn (d. 972 / 361), who was a vizier and writer in the later ‘Abbasid era. As a religious man, in his vizierate he renewed the harsh treatment of non-Muslims (al-dhimma).'” His book™ is the main source for events in Iraq and Syria during the tenth century.
Al-Kha{ib al-Baghdadi, al-Hafiz Abii Bakr Ahmad b. ‘Ali (d. 1071/ 463 H)' composed a biographical encyclopedia Tarikh madinnat Baghdad devoted to every notable individual who had lived in Baghdad or visited it. He focuses mainly on the authorities of the Hadith, but nevertheless, his book provides some important evidences of Byzantine-Muslim relations.
Ibn al-Qalanist (d 1169/555H.) is the main Arab historian and eyewitness of
events of the First Crusade and its eve. He devotes his book’” to the local history of the city of Damascus from 974 /363 H. His book gives a vivid account of the interwoven conflict around his city between the Fatimids and other Muslim powers. Also he dealt with the relations between the Fatimids and Byzantines in the reign of Basil II, as well as internal history of Egypt in the Fatimid era focusing on the period of al-Hakim and his intolerant policy towards non-Muslims.
Ibn al-Athir, ‘Ali b. Muhammad™ (d. 1234) wrote a universal history from the creation to his own time. He followed a strict annual sequence but without the chains of authorities. Like most of the Muslim historians, he quoted verbatim from his predecessors without naming them. Ibn al-Athir writes as a historian, and does not bother to comment on any religious issue. It is noteworthy that he focuses mainly on events in Iraq and Persia, with some attention to Byzantine Muslim relations. A Sunni, he was biased against the Fatimids, even omitting or mostly abridging their history.
Ibn al-‘Adim, Kamil al-Din Abii al-Qasim ‘Umar b. Ahmad (d. 1261) composed a history, arranged in alphabetical order, of his city Aleppo.'®* From this long history, he condensed a history of the city,'”° in a moderate tone, using a mixture of the traditional strict annual sequences and-separate treatment for each ruler. Although Ibn al-‘Adim depended on earlier works, such as Ibn al-Athir, Ibn Miskawayh, and others, he is the only historian who gives the complete text of the treaty between Byzantium and the
Hamdanids in Aleppo.'”? He does not mention his sources, but they seem to be some
documents preserved in the city to which he had access.
There were some other notable historians and writers in the tenth and eleventh centuries. Among them are Hilal al-Sabi’'™® (d. 1056AD./ 448 HL), al-Sali!® (d. 946335). The main historian of this period Thabit b. Sinan (d. 976 A.D. /365 H.),""° and his history is the main source for most of the later historians, who copied it almost verbatim.
Late Muslim historians, though they copied almost verbatim from earlier works, by these means they preserved traces of several lost works. Among the huge number of these later historians are al-Dhahabi (d.1348 A.D./ 748H)'"' and al-Maqrizi, Taqi alDin Ahmed b. ‘Ali (d. 1422 A.D/ 825 H.), who was a leading historian, with many interests. Although he lived considerably later, his works are still valuable in some respects. He composed several books; among them his book on the history of the
Fatimid era bears a special importance. '!
Geographical sources.
Arabic geographers offer rich and important materials on Islamic history as well as Muslim-Byzantine relations. Among the early works is Ibn Khurdadhabih,"” who set the base for the following writers, who often utilised his book. Qudamah b. Ja‘far (d. 948 / 337 H). Qudamah converted to Islam during the reign of al-Muatafi. He wrote some works on geography, and kharaj (the tax system).'"* Ibn Hawgal (X century) wrote about the Byzantine Empire and the frontier area between Byzantium and Muslims."* Al-Muqaddasi, Shams al-din Muhammad (tenth century) composed a book entitled Asan al-taqasin fi ma‘rifat al-aqalin,'"* in which he summarises the Arab’s geographical knowledge, and adds other facts which are hard to find elsewhere. Ibn Rustah preserved the narrative of Hariin ibn Yahya, a Muslim former prisoner of
war in Byzantium."”
Arab encyclopaedists Among the legacy of the Arab civilisation, there are considerable numbers of large-scale encyclopaedias.'"* These works cover a wide range of knowledge,
biographical dictionaries or geographical dictionaries of cities’ names, and other
~ branches of knowledge. Al-Qalqashandi (d. 1418 AD./ 821 H) a late Egyptian writer
composed a unique encyclopaedia," in which he includes a comprehensive guidebook for writing different categories of diplomatic letters and treaties. In his instructions for new writers, he gives some authentic examples of documents throughout the Islamic history. These documents saw the light only through his book, and they cover all sides of the whole Islamic civilisation as a whole. Significantly, some of them are directly related to Byzantium.’” Ibn al-Nadim’s work al-Fihrist is a unique and extremely useful encyclopaedia. It is a survey of all the compilations in Arabic, and their authors. Needless to say, through such a book, we can trace earlier versions of the historical and polemical works, which certainly helps to indicate the authenticity of suspect works, as well as indicating some lost ones. Other Arabic sources: Poetry and oratory
Poetry is the art of the Arabs; they use it to maintain their traditions and pass on
news in poetic form. The Arabs were very enthusiastic to preserve the legacy of their ancestors. Undoubtedly, one can assume that poetry was the mass media of the Arabs, their way of spreading news, panegyric, criticism, rumours and propaganda.
In the Byzantine-Muslim struggle, the poetry plays a significant role. The Arab poets chanted the heroes of the Jihad, and aroused men to take part in it. Although their main purpose in eulogising their benefactors, the emirs and caliphs, was unequivocally the rich rewards which those emirs would gave, but their poetry was a kind of medium to transmit news, glorify the heroes of the war, and spread anti-Byzantium propaganda in Muslim lands.
The most brilliant names among those poets who chanted the Arab heroes whom one can mention are those of Abii Tammam (847 A.D./ 233H.),’” al-Buhutrt (d. 897 A.D./ 284H.) and al-Mutanabbi'” (d. 955A.D/ 343 H.). Abii Firas, al-Harith b. Sa‘id b. Hamdan (d. 968/ 357) a prince and poet who has a special place among these poets; he was half-Byzantine, though nothing is known about his Byzantine mother. He took part in the Muslim Jihad against Byzantium, and was captured by the Byzantine armies.’ In his captivity he wrote long, bitter and dispirited poems describing his homesickness and his longing to return his family and his fatherland.'*
Ibn Nabatah al-Sa‘di '°(d. 984 /374H) was an orator cleric and lived in the border area, one of Sayf al-dwalah’s retinue. His inflammatory speeches were the main medium
of anti-Byzantine propaganda, as well as an effective way to recruit new volunteers.
Arabic Christian sources
It is noteworthy that the early Arab Christian thinkers were fully acquainted with the Greek language, at least during the decades after Islamic conquests. This ability secured them a role in the administration of the newly established Arabic states. At the same time, when the ‘Abbasid caliphs, especially al-Ma’miin, were keen to translate and transfer the Greek knowledge, these Christian Arabs were the backbone of the movement of translation and one of their leading scholars, was Hanin b. Ishaq.'2
In sum, the Christian Arab writers merely fill the gap left between the Muslims and Byzantine sources. From the Muslims, they quoted valuable material, while omitting their complex and ample style. A few of them were acquainted with the events in Byzantium, but they give detailed narratives on the life of the Christian communities within Muslim realm. Obviously, most of these writings, however, are simple, and crude, as most of the texts show. One may hypothesise that they were destitute of the
adequate learning of Arabic, which was usually associated with the Qur’an at this time.
John of Damascus, Mansiir b. Sirjiin b. Mansiir, the father and pioneer of
Byzantine polemic against Islam, a Christian Arab and a writer at the court of four
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Muslim caliphs.“ Among his many works,” is his masterpiece The fountain of Knowledge, in which he devotes chapter 100/101 to arguments against Islam, considering it a Christian Arian heresy.'°° The works of John of Damascus against Islam were supplemented by his disciple, the Melkite writer Theodore Abii Qurrah, who was Melkite writer of whose life few details are known, died circa (820- 825 A.D.). In the introduction to Abii Qurrah’s book, Maymar fi wujiid al-khaliq wa al-din algawim, Dick studies different Muslim and Christian sources to find any traces of his name or any possible similar names.'*' However, in spite of his intensive work, there are still some unanswered questions about Abi Qurrah, his life and the long list of works attributed to him.'*
He composed several works on different theological issues.'** It is noteworthy
that his works are in Arabic and Greek, while some of them have been translated into Georgian. Remarkably, his works against Islam are preserved only in Greek. perhaps afraid of hostile reaction from the Muslim authorities to such a work in Arabic. Yet, one of his Arabic works is a lengthy treatise about the existence of God and what
is the right religion,’
in which he writes only hints against Islam. Like John of Damascus he was a defender of icons, and composed a lengthy treatise on this. °°
Christian Arab historians composed several chronicles which are of extreme importance. Unlike the Muslim historians, they paid special attention to the life of the Christian minorities within the Muslim world, their life and their relations with the Muslims.
Severus of Alexandria (Ibn al-Mugaffa‘ c.10™ Century).’*”
He is an Egyptian Coptic writer, who took part in some religious debates with Muslims.'** His annals, however, are collections of works, written by different hands, each speaking as an eyewitness.
Obviously, he copied verbatim from other Coptic manuscripts without any editorial
additions.’ The books gives a close look at the internal affairs of the Christians living n Egypt, but makes some clear historical mistakes, once his narrative goes beyond Egyptian borders.” His language is elegant and tends to be simple, using some colloquial Egyptian words.
The Melkite sect produced some good writers and historians, whose position and lives between Muslim and Byzantium, gave them a special importance in the religious scope of the Byzantine-Muslim relations. Eutychius, Sa‘id b. Batriq'*! (877940 AD./ 263- 328H.) the Melkite patriarch of Alexandria, composed a chronicle, which reflects Melkite views and attitudes twords the events in the tenth century, as well as his utter unfamiliarity with affairs in Constantinople. In theology he composed a polemical work directed mainly against Jews.'*? Yahya b. Sa‘id al-Antaki (d. 1066AD./ 458H.).'** A Melkite, and a relative of Eutychius; he was a Byzantine in his belief. More important, he pays attention to the Melkite church in Egypt and his book reveals more specific and eyewitness details of this Christian minority, who had been relatively ignored by Muslim and other Christian historians. Yahya lived in Egypt for the first part of his life, in which he witnessed the reign of al-Hakim. Later in 405 H. he
emigrated to Antioch. '*
His work is a supplement (Dhayl) “~ to the history of his ancestor and relative
Sa‘id b. al-Batriq.'“° Yahya was an eyewitness and had first-hand information, especially for the reign of al-Hakim, to whom he paid special attention, as he himself was one of the victims of the capricious Muslim caliph. Yahya also reportedly composed two polemical works, against Jews and the Muslims. These two alleged treatises are not published yet and are in private possession in Aleppo.'“’Yahya’s technique is an intermediate position between the strict annual chronicle and the other narratives. His language is simple, and primitive, with some grammatical mistakes. Ibrahim b.
Yahana composed Vita Christophori, 48 which is a hagiographical account of the life
of the Christopher, the Melkite patriarch of Antioch who was killed by Muslims in the
city in 967 AD./ 356H.
The Armenian and Syrian sources
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The Armenian sources such as Sebeos; ‘? John Catholicus,’~ and Matthew of
Edessa’! provided, albeit from a local standpoint, valuable information on Muslims and
their relations with others. Perhaps Matthew of Edessa is the only historian who kept a
copy of the letter of the emperor John Tzimiskes to the Armenian king Ashot III.’
Similarly, Ghevond'® kept a copy of the alleged correspondence between the emperor Leo III and the caliph ‘Umar II.
Syrian sources give rich information on the history of Islam,'“especially in Mesopotamia. Most of the Syrian historians were bilingual, which enables them to use different sources, thus their works are of great importance, especially for the events in north Syria. Michael The Syrian (1126-1199)'*and Bar Hebraeus (1226-1286)'** shed valuable light on the Byzantine-Muslim warfare of the tenth century, and provide vital information on the history of the local Christians between Byzantium and the Muslims. Bar Hebraeus, with the Arab Muslim reader in mind abridged his Syrian
Chronicle into a modified Arabic version, with more omission and fewer additions. !*”
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