الثلاثاء، 18 يونيو 2024

Download PDF | Andrew Sharp - Orthodox Christians and Islam in the Postmodern Age (History of Christian-Muslim Relations, 16)-Brill Academic Pub (2012).

Download PDF | Andrew Sharp - Orthodox Christians and Islam in the Postmodern Age (History of Christian-Muslim Relations, 16)-Brill Academic Pub (2012).

267 Pages 




Acknowledgements 

I am humbled and pleased that the editors have invited me to include this book in Brill’s series, The History of Christian-Muslim Relations, Texts and Studies. I would especially like to thank David Thomas for his insightful critiques on the work and for seeing the significance of this project as part of the series and in the growing field of Muslim-Christian Studies. Anthony O’Mahony also provided instrumental comments on the content and organization of the work. 













I also want to acknowledge those who helped me form the basic ideas for this project from the time it was in its infancy many years ago: the late John Boojamra of St. Vladimir’s Orthodox Theological Seminary and Aziz Sachedina, John Yiannias, and Robert Wilken of the University of Virginia. It was an honor to receive generous financial support through an S. Gregory Taylor Scholarship, a Spero Samer Scholarship, and a grant from the Scudder Foundation during the critical stages of research and initial write-up. I want especially to thank his Eminence Archbishop Demetrios of America, His Eminence Metropolitan Maximos of Pittsburgh, and Fr. Nektarios Morrow for their assistance in helping me secure these funds. I am grateful for the spiritual and intellectual support I received from Frs. Nicholas Baccalis, John Manuel, Robert Holet (and his wife Christine), and Theodore Bobosh. Cliff Edwards and Mark Wood of Virginia Commonwealth University and Marc Lee Raphael of the College of William and Mary gave me opportunities to work out my ideas in the classroom through teaching and provided sage advice on navigating academia. I am also fortunate to have such loving and supportive parents, who along with my late grandmother, Lois McIntire, encouraged me at every stage. Finally, I owe my deepest gratitude to my wife, Andrea, who has been a constant source of inspiration, a brilliant editor (making this work much more coherent and readable), my best critic, and my greatest fan.
















Introduction 

It has been said that Eastern Christians form the last surviving bridge between Islam and Western Christianity.1 In an era when Christianity and Islam are at the forefront of the continuing debate about an apparent ‘clash of civilizations,’ it is unfortunate that this important ‘bridge’ is so rarely explored. Orthodox Christians themselves—because of their cultural and historical contacts with Muslims, as well as certain aspects of their theology and religious practices—are in a unique position to be peacemakers and a link between the West and the Muslim world. Though a growing number of Orthodox theologians and hierarchs have shown interest in the topic, to date no comprehensive study has attempted to systematically examine the theological basis for relations between Orthodox Christians and Muslims in the current global situation and to survey their interactions with each other over the past few decades. This study is an attempt to fill that void. It is hoped that it will help to illuminate what might be considered a distinctive Eastern Orthodox approach to Islam and Muslim-Christian relations from the perspective of Orthodox Christians themselves, while also conveying the variety of attitudes and nuances on these and related matters within the broader Orthodox tradition. 



















The emphasis of this inquiry will be to examine the distinctive ecclesial dimensions of Orthodox thinking on Islam and Muslim-Christian encounters within the context of the theological renewal in the Orthodox Church over the past few decades. In doing so, it will establish from within this broader ecclesial context a common canon of theological thought that provides the authority from which to comment and evaluate the religious other, and specifically Islam. 


















Special attention will be given to certain essential figures in this re-articulation of timeless aspects of Orthodox thought in order to establish a new theological and ecclesial context through which to open a space for a positive assessment of Islam and to support harmonious relations between Orthodox Christians and Muslims in the present age. For example, it will examine how, by building on the patristic, ecclesiological, and liturgical renewal over the past half-century—inspired by figures such as Nicolas Afanassieff, Sergius Bulgakov, Georges Florovsky, Vladimir Lossky, Alexander Schmemann, Dimitru Staniloae, and John Zizioulas—Ecumenical Patriarch Bartholomew I, Metropolitan Georges (Khodr), Dr. Tarek Mitri, Archbishop Anastasios (Yannoulatos), and others have reframed the discussion within the Church, and within ecumenical circles, about Christian-Muslim relations. It will also analyze the degree to which they, and those sympathetic to their views, have attempted to transform this new thinking into action through dialogue and common work with Muslims in a variety of contexts across the globe. 

















Consideration will be given as well to the re-claimed authority and international significance of the Ecumenical Patriarch of Constantinople in recent years as a leader in the area of inter-religious relations and the pressing ecological and humanitarian issues of concern to many of the world’s religious leaders. Such a study is important in part because it may encourage Orthodox Christians to more accurately assess their own history. On this point, several aspects will be explored: whether, and if so why, in the process of forming nation-states after the dismantling of the Ottoman Empire, certain Orthodox societies have suffered from a collective identity crisis that has affected their perspective on Islam and relations with Muslims; the degree to which those living in these societies, including even esteemed leaders within the Church, have used Islam as a convenient scapegoat for problems faced by Orthodox Christians in their respective nations or regions; and the ways in which, though no one would deny that ‘tradition’ is central to the Orthodox religious ethos, there has been an unhealthy idealizing of the past.



















 It will be argued that developing a better understanding of Islam and a more accurate vision of the common ground shared by Orthodox Christians and Muslims as they face similar realities in the current age can greatly assist Orthodox Christians to find a more sure footing in the ever-changing world around them and in their quest to apply the fullness of their tradition in the present day. It would be prudent before going much further to define what is meant here by ‘Eastern Orthodox’ or ‘Orthodox Christianity,’ terms used often and interchangeably. These terms refer in this study to any of the Eastern Christian churches that affirm the Seven Ecumenical Councils and, outside of unusual and temporary circumstances, are in communion with the Patriarchates of Constantinople, Alexandria, Antioch, and Jerusalem. These are significant, as they represent four of the five ancient patriarchates known in Byzantine times as the ‘pentarchy.’ (Rome completes the pentarchy, but has been separated from the other ancient sees since the  time of the formal split between the Latin and the Eastern Orthodox Churches.2 
















However, there have been several unprecedented conciliatory gestures in recent years between the Roman Catholic Church and the Orthodox Churches that have raised hopes that the five ancient sees of Christendom may one day return to full communion. The term, ‘Eastern Christian,’ which is used with less frequency in this study, generally means a member of any of the Eastern or Oriental Orthodox Churches (the latter being the Armenian, Coptic, Ethiopian, and Syrian Orthodox) and sometimes also the Church of the East and the Eastern Catholic Churches. In order to make this study manageable in terms of the sheer volume of sources to be addressed, its focus was limited in the main to Orthodox Christian figures and documents. Broadening it to include all branches of Eastern Christianity would have presented certain challenges that would have required significant adjustment to the methodology and organization of the study, thus extending its size dramatically and possibly altering the outcomes. Despite its limited scope, it is very likely that Oriental Orthodox and other Eastern Christians will find many aspects of this study in line with their own thoughts, circumstances, and experiences with Islam and their Muslim neighbors. 













Having defined the various terms used for the Christians referenced in this study, there are a few more points to be made about what is implied in its title. This is primarily a work about the attitudes and actions of Orthodox Christians in relation to Islam and Muslims. Though a portion of one chapter focuses specifically on attitudes and actions of Muslims, it is essentially a summary of commonly held views in the fields of Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies, as they relate to and parallel the experience of Orthodox Christians during roughly the same time period. In this sense, the present study argues nothing necessarily new, particularly in the field of Islamic Studies. What is new is its focus on the way in which the experiences of Muslims and Orthodox Christians are connected and, perhaps, derive from or are in response to the realities that they have collectively faced over the past few centuries. 
















A further point of clarification is that, though this study will draw from sources and personalities from all parts of the Orthodox world, including to a lesser extent even the Oriental Orthodox, its primary focus will be on those regions in which Orthodox Christians and Muslims have historically had the most contact, living often as neighbors. These regions include the territories associated with the ancient patriarchates of Antioch (in Syria and Lebanon), Jerusalem (in Palestine-Jerusalem-Israel and Jordan), Alexandria (Egypt), and Constantinople (in Turkey). It will also address the Orthodox Churches of the Balkan and South East European countries that have a significant memory of Ottoman/Muslim rule: Bulgaria, Greece, Serbia, Macedonia, and Albania. In addition, there will be some reference to encounters between Muslims and the Russian Orthodox Church, as Russia has the largest concentration of Muslims in Europe (around 15% of its population).3 Outside these traditionally Orthodox lands in which there has been significant encounter with Islam, one must also keep in mind the ‘scattering’ (diaspora in Greek) throughout the globe of Orthodox Christians with a variety of ethnic and cultural identities. This trend greatly increased during the modern period (particularly during the nineteenth century and through to World War II). The same trend can be noted within the worldwide Muslim community, though the emigration from traditionally Muslim lands in some cases took place at different times and for different reasons. One result of this new mobility of people is that it is not uncommon to have significant communities of Muslims and Orthodox Christians living side-by-side in the ‘diaspora,’ in virtually any part of the world, though especially in Europe, Australia, and the Americas. One final point relates both to the use of the term ‘postmodern,’ and to the time period chosen with regard to the primary source materials covered in this study: 1975–2008. Postmodern has a specific and intentional connotation in this work. Though the term may have a variety of meanings, depending on the field of study and the context in which it is used, here it functions as a reference to an approximate time period, marked by a general change in attitudes about the relative merit of the philosophical principles of modernity (its high-water mark being the end of the eighteenth century, though lasting in many ways through much of the twentieth century). In this sense, ‘the postmodern world’ indicates  that era in which the descendents of the great thinkers and ideologues of the modern period generally began to question the basic assumptions of their forebears and to turn toward new paradigms for themselves and future generations. One could say, therefore, that the age of postmodernity (using the term in this broad sense) continues to the present moment and into an undetermined future point in time. Both Muslims and Orthodox Christians have been going through an extended period of questioning some of the assumptions of their own forebears, and have adopted, often uncritically, many of the modernist philosophies, ideals, and programs (particularly in relation to nationalism). Within the Orthodox Church, this re-evaluation of the past resulted in a theological renewal during the twentieth century—in relation to figures such as Afanassieff, Bulgakov, Florovsky, Lossky, Schmemann, Staniloae, and Zizioulas, as mentioned above—and in more recent times a fresh look at the relationship between Orthodoxy and Islam. Though the study will begin at a much earlier point (the fifteenth century of the common era with the fall of Constantinople to Muslim invaders) in order to establish the broader context for the themes and issues examined during the period under consideration, 1975 is when one can begin to detect the effort to re-articulate the Orthodox theological tradition specifically as it relates to Islam and Muslim-Christian relations in today’s world. The story of the renewal of Orthodox Christian-Muslim relations continues to the present moment and will go on for at least the next generation. However, the autumn of 2008 is a convenient place to end this present study, because it was at that time that Patriarch Bartholomew convened a Synaxis of the Orthodox patriarchs and their representatives from across the globe, who collectively re-affirmed their commitment to, among other things, the “participation of the Orthodox Church in theological dialogues with the non-Orthodox” (including Muslims). This was a watershed moment within the Church in terms of its commitment to interreligious dialogue and common action with those of other faiths, and Islam in particular because of the historic connection between Orthodox Christianity and Islam. This study in many ways builds upon and takes as models similar general works and surveys in the area of Muslim-Christian studies covering the same period.4 One thinks, for example, of Kate Zebiri’s, Muslims and Christians Face to Face (Oxford: Oneworld Publications, 1997), a significant portion of which is devoted to modern Christian writings on Islam during the second half of the twentieth century. Though it is a useful book in many respects, the Eastern Christian perspective is almost non-existent in both its presentation and conclusions. Another important book that takes a serious look at Christian attitudes to Islam, and vice versa, along with Muslim-Christian dialogue in recent years (and throughout the entire period from the advent of Islam to the present) is Hugh Goddard’s A History of Muslim-Christian Relations (Chicago: New Amsterdam Books, 2000). Though excellent in its method, analysis, and presentation, it contains little material about Eastern Christians during the period under consideration in this study. Another work that should be mentioned is Jutta Sperber’s, Christians and Muslims: The Dialogue Activities of the World Council of Churches and Their Theological Foundation (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 2000). This is one of the best treatments to date of the activities sponsored by the World Council of Churches (WCC) on Islam and Muslim-Christian dialogue through the end of the twentieth century. Sperber covers to some extent the Orthodox involvement in WCC interfaith dialogue and speaks charitably about its significance. However, the book is not exhaustive and mostly discusses the Orthodox contributions in relation to the comments and actions of their Protestant counterparts within the Council. Paul Riddell’s book, Christians and Muslims: Pressures and Potential in a Post-9/11 World (Leicester: Inter-Varsity Press, 2004), also gives some limited attention to the engagement of the Orthodox with Islam, but again the sources are few and confined to a relatively short period of time. Finally, Risto Jukko’s work, Trinity in Unity in ChristianMuslim Relations: The Work of the Pontifical Council for Interreligious Dialogue (Leiden: Brill, 2007), though quite exhaustive, is limited almost exclusively to Roman Catholic theology of religions. Over the past few decades, a number of articles have been written by Orthodox theologians and scholars on Islam and Muslim-Christian relations; they are found in a variety of places and contexts and serve a wide range of purposes. These writings can often be located in academic journals or in compilations related to WCC-sponsored events. Among the latter, most worthy of mention are the series of writings and speeches by Catholicos Aram I in For a Church Beyond Its Walls (Antelias, Lebanon: Armenian Catholicosate of Cilicia, 2007), and a collection of the key works of Archbishop Anastasios (Yannoulatos) in Facing the World: Orthodox Christian Essays on Global Concerns (Geneva: WCC, 2003). One can also find a few compilations from conferences sponsored by academic and theological institutions in which Orthodox leaders and scholars have contributed on the topics of Muslim-Christian relations and dialogue. Three key examples are: Orthodox Christians and Muslims, N.M. Vaporis, ed. (Brookline, MA: Holy Cross Orthodox Press, 1986); Christian-Muslim Encounters, Y.Y. Haddad and W.Z. Haddad, eds. (Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 1995); and Paths to the Heart: Sufism and the Christian East, James Cutsinger, ed., (Bloomington, IN: World Wisdom, Inc., 2002). One exciting development in recent years has been the work on this topic, along with a number of others relating generally to Orthodox theology, through the Academy of Theological Studies in Volos, Greece. Papers from a round-table lecture series that took place in November 2001 were published in a volume titled Islam and Fundamentalism: Orthodox Christianity and Globalization (in Greek), Pantelis Kalaitzidis and Nikos Ntontos, eds. (Athens: Indiktos Publications, 2004). Also, the ‘winter academic term’ at the academy from late autumn 2006 to spring 2007 was devoted to the topic, ‘Orthodox Christianity and Islam: Islam in Europe,’ and consisted of a series of lectures by scholars and religious leaders from several countries. (This will be discussed in detail in chapter 5 of this study.) The work at Volos further indicates not only a growing interest among Orthodox Christians in the study of Islam and an openness (at least in some circles) to Muslim-Christian dialogue, but also the need for a comprehensive survey of the thought and work of the Orthodox in this area in recent years. Many of these articles and others from a variety of sources are brought together in the chapters that follow. The methodology essentially consists of an analytical survey of such articles, and also of the following sources: scripture, patristic literature, synodal decrees, official statements, speeches and published works by Orthodox theologians and hierarchs, historical writings, and major works on modernity and postmodernity (by Orthodox and non-Orthodox alike). 
















The first four are relevant as they are sources of authority within the Orthodox Church, and the other sources are important because they frame the key questions in this area of inquiry and provide a context through which to present many of the major themes on the topic. As it would be impossible to include in this study every source germane to the topic at hand, the materials that are included are representative contributions in sufficient number to enable the drawing of some basic and general conclusions. It is hoped that, by pulling these key sources together in one volume, one may begin to tell a story, or rather construct a mosaic, that may serve as a window into the ‘mind of the Church’ on the matter of Islam and Muslim-Christian relations today. In doing so, it will be important to note whether there has been an attempt on the part of Orthodox Christians to continue a tradition of understanding about the relationship between the Church and those of other religions and/or to break new ground, either in continuity with timeless dogmatic principles or by re-evaluating those principles in order to find the place of Muslims within the divine economy. In order to set this work in context, considering the long and complex history of relations between Orthodox Christians and Muslims, chapter one is devoted to identifying some of the defining moments in Orthodox Christian-Muslim relations from the fall of Constantinople to the Turks in the mid-fifteenth century to the present day. 
















This background information is essential for the full examination through the rest of the study of the limitations and potential of Muslim-Christian relations in the postmodern age. Chapter two gives an introduction to Orthodox theological perspectives on other religions generally and Islam in particular. It highlights the scriptural foundations and patristic examples from which one can derive a distinctive Orthodox understanding of the source and purpose of the religions and how they relate to the mission and place of the Church in the world. Chapter three presents various statements, in numerous contexts, by Orthodox hierarchs and leaders on the topics of Islam and Muslim-Christian relations. It also outlines and analyzes Orthodox participation in dialogue with Muslims in a variety of contexts and locations throughout the world. Special attention is given to the role of Orthodox Christians in dialogue efforts by the WCC and the Orthodox Center of the Ecumenical Patriarchate. 
















Chapter four examines the ways in which Orthodox Christians have attempted over the past several decades to define and refine their identity in the postmodern age. It also looks at ways in which Muslims have gone through a parallel process, with similar responses and comparable results. Finally, it argues that an honest assessment of their relationship (past and present) with Islam and Muslims will be essential for Orthodox Christians in their quest for their identity for today and for future generations. 















Chapter five considers the potential effects of the terrorist attacks in the United States in the autumn of 2001, and elsewhere in the years following, on Orthodox Christian-Muslim relations around the globe. It discusses how the events, statements, and dialogues in the months and years after the terrorist attacks of September 11th may have challenged the Orthodox, in particular, to examine anew their identity, history, and religious convictions and whether Orthodox Christian-Muslim dialogue entered into a new phase after 9/11 that was different in substance from the previous period. Finally, there are presented a few of this author’s conclusions about what was discovered in the undertaking of this study, some new questions it may have raised, and some general projections about what to expect in Orthodox ChristianMuslim relations in the coming years.


















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