Download PDF | David Cook, Baybars’ Successors Ibn Al Furāt On Qalāwūn And Al Ashraf Routledge (2020)
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BAY BARS’ SUCCESSORS
Ibn al-Furat (d. 1405) is an understudied Mamluk historian, whose materials for the period of the later Crusades is unique. While sections of his history for the period prior to 1277 have been translated, later sections have not. His text provides both an overview and a critique of earlier historians, and supplies us with a large number of unique documents, treaties, and intimate discussions that are not to be found elsewhere. This translation provides a continuous narrative from 1277 until the assassination of al-Malik al-Ashraf in 1293, with selections from Ibn al-Furat’s later entries concerning the Crusades until 1365.
David Cook is professor of religion at Rice University, U.S. His areas of specialization include early Islamic history and development, Muslim apocalyptic literature, radical Islam, historical astronomy, and Judeo-Arabic literature. His previous publications include “The Book of Tribulations”: The Syrian Muslim Apocalyptic Tradition: An Annotated Translation by Nu‘aym b. Hammad al- Marwazi (2017).
CRUSADE TEXTS IN TRANSLATION
Editorial Board
Malcolm Barber (Reading), Peter Edbury (Cardiff), Norman Housley (Leicester), Peter Jackson (Keele)
The crusading movement, which originated in the 11th century and lasted beyond the 16th, bequeathed to its future historians a legacy of sources that are unrivalled in their range and variety. These sources document in fascinating detail the motivations and viewpoints, military efforts, and spiritual lives, of the participants in the crusades. They also narrate the internal histories of the states and societies that crusaders established or supported in the many regions where they fought. Some of these sources have been translated in the past but the vast majority have been available only in their original language. The goal of this series is to provide a wide-ranging corpus of texts, most of them translated for the first time, which will illuminate the history of the crusades and the crusader-states from every angle, including that of their principal adversaries, the Muslim powers of the Middle East.
Titles in the series include
Keagan Brewer and James H. Kane The Conquest of the Holy Land by Salah al-Din
Graham Loud The Chronicle of Arnold of Liibeck
Carol Sweetenham The Chanson des Chétifs and Chanson de Jérusalem
Anne Van Arsdall and Helen Moody The Old French Chronicle of Morea
Keagan Brewer Prester John: The Legend and its Sources
Martin Hall and Jonathan Phillips Caffaro, Genoa and the Twelfth-Century Crusades
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
This translation is mostly a labor of love, as while teaching the Crusades I found I wanted to contribute to the field, even though it is not my primary study. My colleagues at Rice University, Claire Fanger and Brian Ogren, from the Religion Department, aided me with some of the medieval and Jewish connections, Maya Irish in the History Department, with the material about Aragon and Castile. Michael Decker of the University of South Florida helped me out with the Byzantine connections, and Georg Christ of the University of Manchester with the Venetian and Genoese connections. My best friend Deborah Tor of Notre Dame University read over the introduction and critiqued it. Thanks to Destiney Randolph, who also read over part of the manuscript and critiqued it, as did Jena Lopez.
My mother, Elaine Cook, read over parts of the manuscript prior to her death on January 20, 2018, and I would like to dedicate this work to her memory. She very much loved to read about the interconnections of the medieval European and Islamic worlds. May her memory be blessed.
INTRODUCTION
Muhammad b. ‘Abd al-Rahim Ibn al-Furat (d. 808/1405) was one of the greatest of the Mamluk historians, but unfortunately, aside from the translation of his earlier work (till the end of Baybars’ life in 676/1277),' he has not received the attention he so richly deserves. Biographical material about Ibn al-Furat is sparse, but he was a secretary and a member of the Hanafi rite (favored by the Turkish dynasty).
Ibn al-Furat did not even complete his major claim to fame, his Ta’rikh al-duwwal wa-l-multik, which was intended to be a world-history. In actuality, it commences approximately with the advent of the Crusades (although some earlier sections are extant), and continues on through the reign of al-Malik al-Nasir (d. 742/1341). Ibn Hajar al--Asqalani states that Ibn al-Furat completed 20 volumes of his world-history, but as he worked backwards he did not fully complete it.
As this volume is a companion to Chronicles of Qaldawiin and his son al-Ashraf Khalil, the general introduction to later Crusader period appearing there has not been reproduced here. Instead, this volume will focus upon later Mamluk historians covering the period of Baybars’ successors: his two sons’ reigns (1277-9), those of Qalawiin (1279-90) and his second son, al-Malik al-Ashraf (1290-3).
These two rulers, Qalawin and al-Ashraf, were part of a succession of Mamluk sultans of Egypt and Syria (with some territories beyond) that had its roots in the failure of the Kurdish Ayyibid dynasty in 1249—-50.? While there had been several strong Mamluk rulers prior to Qalawiin who had tried to pass their ruling position on to their children—most notably the hugely successful Baybars al-Bunduqdari (ruled 1260—77)—the former was the first to successfully found a dynasty.
Qalawiin’s success, however, was not apparent during his lifetime or even for some years after his death.’ In general, Qalawitin’s policy was one of consolidation. Baybars, his predecessor, had conquered large swaths of territory, but the fractious nature of Mamluk succession, and the weak character of his sons who briefly succeeded him, frittered many of these conquests away. It was not until almost to the end of Qalawiin’s ten-year rule that he was finally able to rule both Egypt and Syria completely.
As Qalawin died suddenly in November 1290, his middle son al-Ashraf succeeded him without too much opposition. Qalawin had died at the height of his prestige, and while setting out to conquer the last of the Crusader cities, Acre. This latter task fell to al-Ashraf, who completed the conquest and expulsion of the Crusaders from the Syrian Levant through the summer of 1291.
Al-Ashraf, however, was nowhere near as politic as his father had been, nor had he his father’s extensive military experience. Moreover, al-Ashraf tended to be a hands-off administrator, a fact of which his deputy Baydara took advantage. Although al-Ashraf managed to conquer northwards into Anatolia, and may have been on the cusp of further conquests,° he alienated many of the senior emirs, who disliked his impetuousness. He was assassinated in December 1293, after a reign of only three years.
Eventually Qalawiin’s family became a dynasty through the succession of his third son, al-Malik al-Nasir.° Since the latter reigned through the first half of the fourteenth century—and Qalawin’s further descendants continued to reign until 784/1382—the history of Qalawiin was largely written while the family was in control. For this reason, it is useful to consider a historian such as Ibn al-Furat who compiled his work after the family had lost its power, and was thus able to be more objective about their ancestor.
Sources
Ibn al-Furat is interesting because he is something of an outlier with regard to the overall Mamluk historiographical tradition concerning the period of Qalawiin and al-Ashraf. Other than al-Qalqashandi (d. 821/1418), whose seminal work on the art of being a Mamluk secretary contains dozens of reproduced documents, it is difficult to think of a Mamluk historian who has preserved as many documents as did Ibn al-Furat.
Some of his sources for the period under consideration are named, the major one of whom is Ibn al-Mukarram (d. 711/1311),’ Dhakhirat al-katib (The Secretary’s Treasure), from which a large number of anecdotes and some documents are cited. As this work has not survived, Ibn al-Furat’s citation of it is felicitous. In general, Ibn al-Mukarram is cited anecdotally to either supplement or clarify the principal textual flow. Other named sources include ‘Imad al-Din al-Isbahant (d. 597/1201), Baybars al-Mansur'’s (d. 725/1325) major work Zubdat al-fikra (trans. text 4a, in Chronicles), with the later historians Qutb al-Din al-Yunini (d. 726/1326), and al-Jazari (d. 738/1337-8).
There are a total of 31 documents in Ibn al-Furat’s history selection for this period, of which the vast majority date from the Qalawin’s reign (28), while only three originate from al-Ashraf’s reign. Of the documents cited by Ibn al-Furat, most originate with either the Ibn ‘Abd al-Zahir family or Ibn al-Mukarram. However, there is no evidence that Ibn al-Furat utilized either of Ibn ‘Abd al-Zahir’s panagyrics on Qalawin or al-Ashraf as sources for his history on this period.
A great number of personal anecdotes are strewn throughout Ibn al-Furat’s history. Some of these are from his own teacher Zayn al-Din Ibn al-Bistami,® while others are not identified.
It is also interesting that Ibn al-Furat does not appear himself to have been utilized by historians. Virtually none of his documents are reproduced by al-Qalqashandi, for example, nor is he cited extensively in al-Maqrizi. We can thus speak of him as almost being an independent historian: citing from unique sources, and remaining himself largely uncited by later writers.
General content and characteristics
For the most part Ibn al-Furat tries to give a seamless narrative that is focused heavily upon the sultan and the prominent emirs for this period. His narrative is heavily loaded with names and titles, and the material is presented in a roughly chronological form, except when there are multiple events happening at the same time.
Just as the number of documents cited in the text, the number of names in the text is impressive: a total of 320 emirs are named (although some of them may overlap), and 98 religious and bureaucratic officials are named. This prodigious quantity of names far outstrips all of the other sources for this period, and gives us perhaps an approximation of what the Mamluk military, administrative, and religious aristocracy looked like. Of course, we should always assume that at least substantial numbers, maybe as many as half, of all the members of the elite are not named anywhere.
However, there are a number of questions concerning his history and its presentation. Although Ibn al-Furat is a narrative history, the content of his narrative varies quite significantly. His treatment of Qalawiin’s first years is much more detailed than that of the last years, with a number of documents and treaties supplied for the former period. This plethora of documents is such that certain years, such as 684/1285, are almost nothing but a series of documents, all investitures.
One could theorize that the reason for this avalanche of documents is that Ibn al-Furat admired Qalawin’s administration, and sought to highlight its documents for their didactic value. One should note that, for example, the entire sequence of correspondence between Qalawin and the Mongol ruler Ahmad/Tegtder is summarized without the letters being reproduced, possibly because these letters were irrelevant for Ibn al-Furat’s time.
The historical narrative for the year 686/1285 is odd. It consists of a short overview, including the capture of Marqab fortress from the Hospitallers, and then digresses into a series of six documents. Since through comparison with other historical accounts, it is possible to judge Ibn al-Furat and assess the numerous events he chose to overlook for this year, this presentation raises questions about his priorities.
The capture of Marqab is given little prominence, which proves that Ibn al-Furat was not using Ibn ‘Abd al-Zahir’s account of Qalawiin. Most probably the absence of detail was because by Ibn al-Furat’s time the coastland of Syria was not of great import. But the question of why the six documents—all of them investitures: two of the Head of the Jews, one for the Head of Medicine, one for the Mansuri Hospital, one of the Mansiri College, and one of a Sufi khanqah (hospice)—is a mystery. Perhaps the investitures are viewed as didactic or as examples of particularly well-written documents, but their prominence is still odd.
One aspect of Ibn al-Furat’s historical interest is his mention of the Nile inundation. This feature is quite common among Egyptian historians, both from before and after the Mamluk period. However, Ibn al-Furat unexpectedly for the year 679/1280 gives us extensive details, on almost a daily basis, for the rise of the Nile. There does not seem to be any obvious reason for this attention to detail, reflecting from his perspective, events that occurred some 100 years in the past. The rise of the Nile does not seem to have been that significant for the attention given to it. Nor is the source for this level of detail supplied.
From the year 686/1285 there is a fairly sharp decrease in the documents Ibn al-Furat adduces: Two letters are reproduced, and the document proclaiming Egypt to be open to Red Sea trade (from 687/1288). Only three documents from al-Ashraf’s reign are adduced.
Thus, while Ibn al-Furat’s material is extremely valuable and some of it is unique, it is surprisingly uneven for the period of Baybars’ successors. Probably the inclusion of so many documents was directed at developments during his own lifetime, perhaps mismanagement at the various Mansirt establishments. The documents dealing with the Headship of the Jews could perhaps be seen as models for relations with religious minorities. It should be noted, however, that in all of Ibn al-Furat’s narrative there is virtually no mention of the Mamluks’ relations with the largest non-Muslim minorities, the Coptic Christians (except for Ibn al-Furat’s usage of Coptic months for dating the Nile inundation).
Ibn al-Furat and the Mamluks
Treatment of Baybars’ feckless sons by Ibn al-Furat is quite critical but abbreviated,? and he leaves the reader with the impression that they are unworthy of their great father. Virtually no events from the outside world, with the exception of the murder of the pervane (Mongol viceroy in Anatolia) in 676/1278, are noted for this two-year period.
Ibn al-Furat’s attitude towards Qalawin is neutral. He does not praise him excessively, and presents him—and his opponents such as Sunqur a/-ashqar— with the titles and dignities accorded to them for the period under consideration. For example, Sunqur is referred to as al-Malik al-Kamil, the title he took, until his defeat at Damascus in 1280, whereupon he goes back to being called Sunqur al-ashgar. Qalawiin likewise during the early part of his reign is referred to as the ruler of Egypt, but then gradually receives grander titles. However, when one can compare the documents from Ibn ‘Abd al-Zahir to those in Ibn al-Furat it is interesting to note that the obsequiousness (such as “our master” preceding “the Sultan”) usually disappears in the latter’s version. The sole exception to this appears to be the circular written by Ibn ‘Abd al-Zahir after the Battle of Hims cited by Ibn al-Furat.
As Ibn al-Furat lived well past the fall of the Qalawtin dynasty (in 784/1382), it is doubtful that he felt a strong need to present the dynasty in the most favorable light. This may be the reason why he feels free to cite a number of salacious details about the relations between Qalawiin and al-Ashraf, as well as occasionally question the motivations behind various actions of their’s, and sometimes offers interpretations of various events that are unfavorable to Qalawin and al-Ashraf.
Although there is a great deal of material about the religious elite in Ibn al-Furat’s text, there is little that is specifically religious about it. There are ew Qur’anic citations, allusions, and few ritual curses of the other (such as Crusaders, although the Mongols are usually cursed), whoever they might be. Unlike either Ibn ‘Abd al-Zahir or Baybars, Ibn al-Furat is not given to excessive citation of poetry in his narrative (although more appears in the obituaries, which are not translated in this selection). Stylistically, Ibn al-Furat is annalistic, but offers the reader “bridges” for long-term developments by stating that a given topic either is continued later or picks up on earlier developments.
Ibn al-Furat on the Mongols and Crusaders
Ibn al-Furat is primarily interested in the intricacies of Mamluk governance rather than outside affairs. He gives us little of the details appearing in earlier histories about the Mongols, the Crusaders or European kingdoms, especially those located at a distance. The one exception to this rule is the lengthy digression that Ibn al-Furat gives about the capture of Tripoli. This digression goes into the history of the city back to the Umayyad period, but focuses upon its capture by Raymond of St. Gilles and his successors.
This digression is a bit odd, and does not appear in any of the other texts covering Qalawin, nor is there an analogue to this historical digression for any of the other captured Crusader cities. Perhaps this digression was to emphasize the challenge of taking Tripoli. If this is the case, it stands in marked contrast to the indifference with which Ibn al-Furat covers Marqab—according its conquest but a paragraph.
Of the treaties detailed by Ibn ‘Abd al-Zahir, Ibn al-Furat cites the Treaty of Acre (for 682/1283), and the uncited treaty with the Byzantine Empire (680/1281).!° The treaties with the Armenians, the Genoese and the Aragonese, or the correspondence with the Ethiopian emperor—all of which appear in Ibn “Abd al-Zahir—are notable for their absence. Nor is there any mention of al-Ashraf’s one attested treaty, that with Jaime II of Aragon (in either Jan. 1292, or Jan. 1293).
However, even the Treaty of Acre appears in an abridged form, without the place names that appear in the Ibn ‘Abd al-Zahir version. It seems possible that the purpose for its inclusion was to demonstrate a type of treaty with the Franks/Crusaders, who were still present in Cyprus. The Armenians had vanished, and the Genoans and Aragonese were no longer, by Ibn al-Furat’s time, important factors in the eastern Mediterranean Sea. However, this interpretation does not clarify why Ibn al-Furat nowhere mentions the Venetians or the Ethiopians, who were still very much factors for the Mamluks of the later eighth/fourteenth century.
Irrelevance could also explain the suppression of the correspondence between Qalawiin and the Mongol Sultan Ahmad/Tegtider, which appears in other chronicles, but is summarized by Ibn al-Furat. However, if irrelevance is the key, then why the detailed treaty with the Byzantine Emperor Michael VIII Palaeologus? Surely by Ibn al-Furat’s period in the later fourteenth early fifteenth century the Byzantines were also not a major factor.
The one constant appears to have been the need for trade, whether with the Venetians, the Byzantines or the Indian Ocean states. Ibn al-Furat in this matter does not disappoint, as he reproduces a unique safe conduct issued for commerce in the Indian Ocean, indicating the importance the Mamluks placed upon this trade. This safe conduct openly invites merchants to come to Egypt, both to trade and to settle, and offers them security. Probably Ibn al-Furat’s awareness of the grim economic realities of his time wanted to highlight such an open-door attitude.
Ibn al-Furat is probably best seen as the last semi-independent historian for the later Crusader period. His narrative is almost independent of the other Mamluk historians, and is a very readable mixture of prose, documents, anecdotes and some poetry.
Texts and editions
Ibn al-Furat, was edited by Constantine Zurayk of the American University of Beirut during the 1930s. The edition is a good one for its time, although it lacks a comparative apparatus that would be beneficial for the scholarly reader. The language is standard Arabic. In the text obituaries have been not been translated. All other materials are fully translated.
Arabic transliteration follows standard guidelines, while Mamluk and Turkish names are following either Northrup or Mazor. Common-place names are reproduced in their accepted English forms (e.g., Jerusalem, Cairo, etc.), while other names are given in their transliterated form. To facilitate comprehension I have sometimes translated the genealogies of major figures when there was interesting or useful information to be had from translation, while at other times I have left the names as is.
TEXT
Baybars al-Bunduqdari died July 1, 1277 in Damascus. His reign had been successful, as he had expanded the Mamluk empire considerably, but his death led to a period of instability, especially in Mamluk Syria.
Mention of the sultanate of al-Malik al-Sa‘id, son of al-Malik al-Zahir [=Baybars], and his ruling independently in the Egyptian homelands, while he was the fifth of the Turkish kings in the Egyptian homelands
When the decree of death befell al-Malik al-Zahir Rukn al-Din Baybars al-Salihi his son, al-Malik al-Sa‘id Nasir al-Din Muhammad Berke Khan, was in the Hill Citadel in protected Cairo. The emir Badr al-Din Bilik a/-Ahdzindar, the mamluk of his father, and his deputy sultan, the one who took care of his affairs, and administered his realm, was in full agreement with the emirs and the senior officials who were with him about concealing the death of al-Malik al-Zahir. So they bore him to the [Damascus] Citadel, washed him, embalmed him, and then suspended him in his coffin, just as we previously explained.
Then the emir Badr al-Din al-khdzindar wrote a letter as to what had occurred, and sent it accompanied by the emir Badr al-Din al-Hamawi al-jikandar to al-Malik al-Sa‘id in the Egyptian homelands. When this informative letter reached al-Malik al-Sa‘td and he understood what was in it, he demonstrated happiness, and bestowed a robe upon the one who brought the informative letter, but concealed the death of al-Malik al-Zahir.
He made out that the informative letter was tidings of the Sultan’s return to the Egyptian homelands, so when it was the next day, which was Saturday, the emirs rode as was their wont, to the Horse Market, while they were demonstrating grief. This was what was happening in protected Cairo.
As for what [93] was happening with the emir Badr al-Din al-khdazindar, he departed from Damascus, him and the senior emirs, the troops and the armies. Among them was a litter being borne, with a number of mamluks in its procession. They made out that the Sultan al-Zahir was inside of it, but he was weak. All of that was to guard the aura [of the Sultan].
It continued like this until they arrived at the Egyptian homelands, and their arrival was in Safar [July 1277] of this year. The emir Badr al-Din Biltk al-khdazindar entered the Hill Citadel under the Zahirid banners, while al-Malik al-Sa‘id sat in the hall of the Hill Citadel. The emir Badr al-Din handed over to him the treasures and the armies, and gave the investitures to him. The former waited before the latter, and continued to give him good counsel and to obey him just as he had his father (Baybars). The armies swore to him (al-Sa‘id), and the officials finished off what they had been doing.
It was said that when al-Malik al-Sa‘id sat in the hall, the rumor of his father al-Malik al-Zahir’s death spread, and the chamberlains cried out “O emirs! Have mercy on the Sultan al-Malik al-Zahir! And pray for your Sultan al-Malik al-Sa‘td!” The uproar grew louder and the weeping, while all of them went forward and kissed the ground before al-Malik al-Sa‘td, as was usual.
They renewed their oaths to him, and the rest of the army, judges, instructors and the rest of the people swore. The emir Badr al-Din al-khdazindar was the one who swore the people, and the judges with him.
When the rule was securely in the hands of al-Malik al-Sa‘id, he continued the emir Badr al-Din Bilik al-khdzindar as the deputy, while the chief Baha’ al-Din ‘Ali b. Muhammad, known as Ibn Hanna, was minister. Then he bestowed robes upon them, and upon the emirs, the commanders, the judges and correspondence secretaries.
The preachers in all the mosques in the Egyptian homelands delivered sermons on behalf of al-Malik al-Sa‘td on Friday 27 Safar [July 30, 1277] of this year, and al-Malik al-Sa‘id prayed the prayer of the absent person! for his father. The post-couriers departed to Damascus with the news of al-Malik al-Zahir’s death, and their arrival in Damascus was on Saturday 12 Rabr al-Awwal [August 13, 1277] of this year.
After that two emirs headed with the post to swear the emirs, army, and people in Damascus just they had sworn those in the Hill Citadel. So they were sworn, and God knows best.
Mention some of the reports about the emir Badr al-Din al-khazindar
The emir Badr al-Din Biltk a/-khdzindar son of ‘Abdallah, known popularly as al-khdazindar, was a mamluk of Sultan al-Malik al-Zahir, his deputy sultan, and the administrator of his realm.
He was a great emir, awe-inspiring, righteous, modest, pure of tongue, never speaking unless it was good, disliking evil people, and keeping them distant from his door, and loving good people, keeping them close, and giving
charity. He had large igtd’ fiefs in the Egyptian homelands and the Syrian lands, and he owned Qal'at al-Subayba,” Baniyas, and al-Shughr.
When al-Malik al-Zahir died the emir Badr al-Din managed affairs deftly, and did in Syria what we have previously explained, until when he arrived in the Egyptian homelands, [94] giving command over to al-Malik al-Sa‘id.
Historians have differed as to the reason for his death. Some of them have said that when the emir Badr al-Din Bilik arrived in Egypt, he became sick shortly after his arrival, and his sickness did not last long, but he died almost immediately. It is said that he was assassinated out of envy for his position. It is said that the chief Baha’ al-Din Ibn Hanna whispered to the Sultan al-Malik al-Sa‘id that the emir Badr al-Din Biltk a/-khdzindar desired the rule for himself, so he was believed because of his status, and because of the army’s loyalty to him.
So when he passed him giving the peace greeting as usual, and sat behind a curtain, bringing out to him a Aundb (drink)? in which there was sugar and poisoned lemon, so he took the Aundb and drank from it, departed, lasted two days, and then died.
It is said that he drank two droughts from it, and because of their constant harassing of him because of drink, he imagine things (takhayyala), and threw the hundb from his hand, headed towards his house, then became unwell throughout his body, the sickness became worse, and he got colic (qiilanj).
His doctor was ‘Imad al-Din al-Nablusi; it is said that 3000 dinars came to him. But it is also said that this was by way of favors, on the condition that he stay quiet, and not say anything. It is said that he took the gold, and goofed off until Badr al-Din had died after a few days.
He died in the Hill Citadel on 6 Rabr al-Awwal [August 7, 1277] of this year, and so there was only the space of a month and nine days between him and his master [Baybars]. The judge Muhyi al-Din Ibn ‘Abd al-Zahir, author of Life of al-Malik al-Zahir, and the judge Nasir al-Din Shafi’ b. “Al, grandson of Ibn ‘Abd al-Zahir, say the following approximately:
The first part of the bad administration was that the mamluks of alMalik al-Sa‘id caused him to imagine wrongly about the emir Badr al-Din al-khazindar, his father’s deputy, and this suspicion spread to al-Malik al-Sa‘id’s mother as well. It is said that al-Malik al-Sa‘id and his mother gave Badr al-Din al-khdzindar to drink, so then he died, may God have mercy upon him, after his arrival in the Egyptian homelands by a period of days.
There were less than two months between him and his master, and God knows best which of these it was. He had a remarkable funeral procession, and was buried in his mausoleum in al-Qarafa al-Sughra (the Lesser). His death split hearts and caused eyes to weep. The people were grieved and saddened to lose him, and the mourning over him lasted three days and three nights.
When he died, the position of al-Malik al-Sa‘Id became unsteady, and signs of collapse in the Zahirl dynasty began to appear,‘ just as we will mention if God wishes.
Mention of the emir Sayf al-Din Kiindak being appointed as deputy sultan in the Egyptian homelands
When the emir Badr al-Din Biltk al-khdazindar died just as we previously explained, al-Malik al-Sa‘Id appointed the emir Sayf al-Din Kindak in his place as deputy sultan in the Egyptian homelands, in spite of his being a youth. Then al-Malik al-Sa‘Id rode [95] leading the (army) groups, just as his father did, on Wednesday 16 Rabr al-Awwal [August 17, 1277].
He was among the emirs, the commanders, and the notables, while there were robes upon them, going to under the Red Mountain (al/-jabal al-ahmar), which was the first of his ridings after the arrival of the army, and their swearing, but he did not transverse the city. This was a day to remember, and the people were very happy to see him. His age at that time was 19 years.
It was said that al-Malik al-Sa‘td [appointed]> the emir Shams al-Din Aqsunqur al-Fariqani al-Zahiri, majordomo, to be the deputy sultan after the death of the emir Badr al-Din al-khdzindar. He was resolute, so when the talk established him as the deputy, he bound groups to himself who al-Malik al-Zahir had compelled to swear an oath of personal allegiance.
Among these was Shams al-Din Aqiish, Qutlija al-Riimt, Sayf al-Din Qilfj al-Baghdadi, Sayf al-Din Bijii® al-Baghdadr, ‘Izz al-Din Mughan amir shikar (in charge of bird-hunting), Sayf al-Din Baktimur a/-silahdar and their like.
Then the Khasakiyya and the mamluks of the emir Badr al-Din al-khdzindar, because of their dislike of the emir Shams al-Din al-Fariqani, conspired to detain him, and they made this look good to al-Malik al-Sa ‘Id. They sought aid from the emir Sayf al-Din Ktindak a/-sdaqi (cup-bearer) against him, as al-Malik al-Sa‘id had promoted him and magnified him, because he would be with him in the office, so they detained the emir Shams al-Din al-Fariqani while he was sitting at the Summit Gate (bab al-qulla), and dragged him inside {the Citadel}.
They went overboard in beating him, harming him, and plucked out his beard. He was imprisoned in the Citadel, but did not last more than a few days. He then died and was given to his retainers so that they would bury him.
Al-Malik al-Sa‘id appointed Shams al-Din Sunqur al-Alf? al-Muzaffari as deputy sultan. He had a close companion (khushdash) named ‘Alam al-Din Sanjar al-Hamawi, who was known as Abi Khurs, and he appointed him to the Safedan districts, which he augmented from the Sultan’s private lands (al-khass al-sultani) over his igta’ fief.
The Khasakiyya, however, were not happy with him because he was not from the Zahiriyya [regiment] so they whispered to al-Malik al-Sa‘id against him, claiming that he intended to establish the Muzaffariyya [regiment]. He did not feel safe from his machinations, so he removed him shortly thereafter.
The emir Sayf al-Din Kindak al-sdqi was appointed to be the deputy sultan, so the emir Sayf al-Din Qalawin al-Alfi tended to his side. At that time there was a personality from the Khasakiyya sultanic mamluks called Lajin al-Zayni who came to dominate al-Malik al-Sa‘id in the rest of his circumstances, so most of the Khasakiyya joined together with him, and he took their [96] igta* fiefs, contracting to them the revenues (si/at). Every time an igta’ fief came free at the Army Chancellery, he would seize it for the one chosen, and have the deputy contend for it.
Hearts became angered between the two of them, and scorpions of evil crawled among them, as each of them planned mischief against his fellow. The emir Kindak attached to himself a group, and the senior emirs began to support him so there developed a faction loyal to him. This division was cause for corruption and destruction.
Mention of the changing opinions of the emirs against al-Malik al-Sa‘id, and their opposition to him
On 17 Safar [July 20, 1277] of this year al-Malik al-Sa‘id detained the emir Jiidi al-Qaymari al-Kurdi, and the organization of al-Malik al-Sa‘Id did not continue more than a few days after his appointment. Then al-Shabiba (the youth) carried out its deeds, and whims, tended towards him, while opinions changed towards him.’
He was left alone with the fresh-faced mamluks, and dispersed wealth upon them, mandating that their junior mamluks be promoted, favoring them, listening to their opinions. His age was nearly 20, but he was tending towards his cronies and those of his age, so they made it seem good to him to exile the senior emirs.
This, while among them were the Salihiyya Najmiyya emirs, who were the close coterie (Ahushdashiyya) of his father, who had correct opinions, and penetrating resolution. Among them were the likes of the emir Sayf al-Din Qalawiin al-Alfi, the emir Shams al-Din Sunqur a/-ashqar, the emir ‘Alam al-Din al-Halabt, the emir Badr al-Din Baysara, and others among the emirs of 1000.
Because of their being embedded [in his supporters] he [Qalawun] could not achieve stability nor know who they were. A king could not do without their advice, as they were indispensable. They were those who had not particularly liked his father al-Malik Zahir’s rule over them, as they had been muttering, “He is king over us, while we have a better right to the rule than he!” Therefore, he began to play with their fates, causing them trials, striking close to home. He detained some of them, and then freed them the same day, and thus hatred was sown in their hearts.
On Friday 25 Rabi al-Awwal [August 26, 1277] of this year al-Malik al-Sa ‘1d detained the emir Shams al-Din Sunqur a/-ashgar and the emir Badr al-Din Baysara al-Shamsi also, and imprisoned the both of them in the Hill Citadel for 20 days. The two of them were the two right arms of his father, so when he detained the both of them, his maternal uncle the emir Badr al-Din [Ibn] Berke Khan entered the presence of al-Malik al-Sa‘id’s mother, and said to her
Your son has screwed up the administration, and detained the likes of these senior emirs. It would be best (a/-mas/aha) if you return him to the straight path, because if not, his administration will fall apart, and his days will be short.
When the words of his maternal uncle reached al-Malik al-Sa‘id, he made haste to detain him as well, and imprison him, so his mother rose up against him, upbraided him, and continued to nag him until he released the aforementioned emirs, bestowed [97] robes upon them, and returned them to their previous positions.
But enmity had taken hold of their hearts, and the rest of the emirs began to worry privately about how he had treated the emir Badr al-Din al-khdzindar previously, and their imaginations went wild because they were aware of the service that Badr al-Din al-khdzindar had rendered to al-Malik al-Sa‘td. He had watched over the treasuries, and the armies, and been true in his obedience until the time when he had handed over to him. He swore to him, while the armies swore, but this did not save him, while he [al-Sa‘1d] did what he did with those senior emirs.
Therefore, they gathered together, and took counsel between themselves. Some of them said, “We will depart for Syria, and leave this land for him,” while others said “We will ascend to the Citadel and discuss this with him.” They gathered at night, which was Thursday night, and ascended the next morning to the Citadel leading their mamluks, retainers, troops, and followers, and those emirs and armies that had joined with them.
The hall was filled with them, as well as the castle’s open space, and they sent to him saying, “You have corrupted the minds, harming the senior emirs, so either you back down from that, or you will have an issue with us.” He was easy with them, justifying himself to them, sending them honorary gifts, but they refused to be bought off.
Then a peace was established, and he swore to them that he intended no evil towards them. The emir Badr al-Din al-Aydimuri took his oath, whereupon the emirs were satisfied with that, and departed, so the matter stayed as it was.
Mention of the building of a college and a mausoleum in protected Damascus for al-Malik al-Zahir’s burial
During this year al-Malik al-Sa‘id wrote to the deputy sultan in protected Damascus to bury his father al-Malik al-Zahir inside the walls of Damascus. So the emir ‘Izz al-Din Aydimur, the deputy of Damascus, purchased al-’ Aqiqi House, inside the Gate of Release (bab al-faraj) towards Damascus, opposite al-\Adiliyya College, for 60,000 dirhams, without its outer decorations.
He built a college for the Shafi'ites and the Hanafites, constructing a cupola there. Under it, he placed a tombstone. Construction began on Wednesday 5 Jumada al-Awwal [October 4, 1277] while it was completed during Jumada al-Akhira [November 1277] of this year.
When the construction of the cupola was completed, al-Malik al-Sa‘id sent the emir “Alam al-Din Sanjar known as Abt Khurs and al-tawashi Safi al-Din Jawhar al-Hindi {the left-handed, to bury his father}.8 The both of them arrived in Damascus on 3 Rajab [November 30, 1277] of this year. When it was Friday night 5 Rajab [December 2, 1277] of this year, which was the Night of Desires’ in Damascus, they bore al-Malik al-Zahir from the Citadel at night on men’s necks, bringing him down into Damascus, while [98] they prayed over him in the Damascus Friday Mosque courtyard.
Then they brought him down into his grave, in the cupola, which had been prepared for burying him at midnight in the presence of the deputy of Damascus the emir ‘Izz al-Din Aydimur. The Chief Judge ‘Izz al-Din Ibn al-Sa@’igh entombed him, while the Qur’an readers were assigned from the following day.
The judge Muhyi al-Din Ibn ‘Abd al-Zahir and his grandson the judge Nasir al-Din Shafi* both said the following approximately:
The martyr continued to be in the Damascus Citadel until his al-Malik al-Sa‘id had purchased al-’ Aqiqi House, and built a mausoleum for him in it, spending abundantly upon it.
He cried out: This is his tombstone, between my eyes, so visit from every deep ravine,
How not, when from my bitter (‘aqiq) tears they buried him from it in al“Aqiq House!
He was borne to his mausoleum on the Night of Desires during Rajab in the aforementioned year, and the emir ‘Izz al-Din, deputy sultan in Syria/ Damascus and ‘Izz al-Din al-dawddar, and Safi al-Din Jawhar al-Hindi were in charge of it.
They took him out upon the necks, with the light from his face guiding them as they went,
They were happy with him at night to conceal his grave, but the night and the moons do not conceal him,
They hasten voices and glances towards the earth and his graves by his being borne,
However, he is a support (rukn) they have placed upon it in order to stabilize this abode.
The judge ‘Izz al-Din al-Shafi'l entombed him:
He finished while he had hands by which this world was made right from the ills of time,
Therefore, he went while angels crowded around his mausoleum in lines,
Just like his clamor, since containers of musk with seals broken are within him."
This renewed the sorrow for him, so it was as if the world was distressed by
their disdaining compassion. This was while they fulfilled the due of commemoration, as it was the time for everyone to fulfill their dues."!
{On 16 Dhi al-Qa‘da [April 10, 1278] of this year “Izz al-Din Ibn Shaddad, trustee of al-Malik al-Sa‘id, established the college charitable endowment with his permission and at his direction, which he developed in Damascus. He endowed all of the village of al-Sarman, from the farmlands of Baniyas, and two portions of Bayt Rama in the Jordan Valley, its cultivated lands, and other [lands].}?
Om Wednesday 18 Dhi al-Qa‘da [April 12, 1278] of this year al-Malik al-Sa‘id removed the Chief Judge [99] Muhyi al-Din Ibn ‘Ayn al-Dawla al-Iskandari from the Cairene judiciary, and that of Upper Egypt. He added that to the Chief Judge Taqi al-Din Ibn Razin, and thus amalgamated the judiciary of Cairo, Old Cairo, and Upper and Lower Egypt for him.
Some of the historians said that al-Malik al-Sa‘td appointed Chief Judge Shams al-Din Ahmad Ibn Khallikan to the Damascus judiciary in place of the Chief Judge ‘Izz al-Din Ibn al-S@ igh al-Shafi'l, and that Chief Judge Ibn Khallikan traveled from Cairo on 27 Dhi al-Hijja [May 21, 1278] of this year heading for Syria.
In it the Nile was plentiful over the lands of the Egyptian homelands, so prices went down until wheat was sold at five dirhams for an ardabb [=198 lit.], while barley was at three dirhams, and the rest of the grains at two dirhams, and God knows best.
Mention of the killing of the pervane, the administrator of [Seljuq] Riim’s army
When Abagha, the king of the Tatars, arrived at the Horde, he took counsel with his emirs with regard to the pervane.'? A group counseled to kill him, while a group counseled to leave him alive and to return him to the lands to watch over them, to repair their disorder, and to levy their taxes.
He preferred to let him live, so let him go from supervision so that he could return to his lands. However, the Mongols’ emirs’ wives, such as the wives of Tuqu and Tidawan and others, who had been killed in the battle,'* heard that Abagha had issued the written order to let the pervane go. Therefore, they congregated all at the time of later afternoon, and rose weeping, crying and mourning.
Abagha heard their clamor, so he said, “What is that?” It was said to him “The ladies (khawatin) heard that the Khan will let the pervane go free, and that he is ready to go back to his lands, so they are crying and yowling.”
It is said that the ladies gathered and stood before Abagha, and cried, screamed, ripping their garments before him, and saying “This one helped kill our men! It is necessary to kill him!” He put them off for days while they were urging him every day to kill him.
When he was tired of putting them off, he ordered one of the emirs who was deployed in the lands of Sis, whose name was Kukji Bahadur, to take with him 200 horsemen and to take the pervane to a place he specified, and then kill him there. So Kikji summoned the pervane, saying to him “Abagha wants for you to ride, and has issued an order to you that you and your followers ride with him.”
So he (Kikji) rode, together with 32 people—but it is said 30 people—from his mamluks and retainers. He headed out with him (the pervane), so he took him towards the wasteland, whereupon the pervane knew that there was no good that was going to come of this. The Tatars then surrounded him and his followers, while his followers shielded [him]. He asked whether they could not let him off [100] until he had ritually washed himself, and prayed, so they did.
When he finished with his prayer, they killed him, and those with him, while Abagha was camped in a place of al-Ata’. When the pervane’s mamluks heard of his killing, “Alam al-Din Sanjar al-Barwani and Badr al-Din Baktut amir akhir Bakbar assembled his coterie (khushdashiyya) in their camp. They conspired, strung their bows, breaking out their arrows in front of them, saying, “We will only die as fighters!”
Those who had been deputized to kill them had to consult with Abagha, so when they consulted him about this, he thought well of them for this, and said “These are useful mamluks, so leave them alone, allow them to go free, and give them permission to return to their lands,” so they returned.
The killing of the pervane was at the end of Safar [August 2, 1277] of the year [6]76, and God knows best. [101]
[Obituaries]
Mention of events of 677 [1278-9]
On 6 Muharram [May 30, 1278] of this year the Chief Judge ‘Izz al-Din Ibn al-Sa’igh ceased rendering judgment because of the appointment of Chief Judge Shams al-Din Ahmad Ibn Khallikan.
On 23 Muharram [June 16, 1278] the emir ‘Izz al-Din Aydimur, deputy sultan in Damascus, went out. All of the procession and the emirs went out with him to greet and the people of the town departed also to meet the Chief Judge Shams al-Din Ibn Khallikan. The townspeople also were going out to meet him, so then some of them arrived in Gaza.
It is said that some of them went to the first part of the sands, to Qatiya, and he then entered Damascus. His day of entrance was a day to remember. People were very happy with his appointment, and his return to Damascus. He sat at al--Adiliyya [College] and rendered judgment. His investiture was
read on 24 Muharram [June 17, 1278] and the Qur’an readers recited. Every single one of the literati (udabd’) praised him with the best epic poems. His removal had been for seven years.
Sa‘d al-Din al-Fariqi declaimed:
Syria tasted seven years of barrenness,; the morning of his emigration [was ] a good end,
When I visited him in the land of Egypt, I extended from your two hands a Nile!
The shaykh Nir al-Din Ibn Mus'ab declaimed:
I thought Syria’s inhabitants to be united; every single one was satisfied,
Good had been had after evil, so the time was open-fisted without being closed,
They replaced grief with joy, from half of eternity in debt,
A judge coming and a judge going pleased them after lengthy gloom,
So all are thankful and complaining about the future and the past. [115]
When it had been a year since the death of al-Malik al-Zahir Rukn al-Din Baybars al-Salihi, there was a commemoration for him between al-Qarafatayn in a place called al-Andalus. Repasts were made for the Qur’an reciters, and the jurisprudents, and they were distributed among the small mosques. Tents were pitched, and the people were present according to their classes. A number of final poems were recited, so the judge Muhyi al-Din Ibn ‘Abd al-Zahir, the author of al-Malik al-Zahir’s Life, arranged on this:
O people! Listen to a word garbed in truth, Commemoration of the Sultan will never be forgotten in neither west nor east, Was not his funeral commemoration made in al-Andalus?
After this a number of eulogies were made for him in the Imam al-Shafi'l College, may God be pleased with him, and the Mosque of Ahmad b. Tulin, the Zahir! Mosque at al-Husayniyya, the Zahiri College, the Salihtyya Najmiyya College, the Kamiliyya School for hadith [which is] bayn al-qasrayn inside protected Cairo, the Salahiyya hospice (khdngqah) at the open area of the Festival Gate, and the Hakimi Mosque inside protected Cairo.
The takarara (repeaters) and the poor (Sufis) made a table (khawan), at which a number of the righteous attended. Concerning that it is said:
So, thanks! You have received (meal) times of piety, as good and piety have been combined, Favors are common in it, edibles follow it; every dweller is full, then again full,
As for the passing of the Sultan, his generosity did not pass, but his piety has been left behind,
A (noble) youth living in his good (deeds) after his death, just as after a flood its course is verdant,
Our intercessory prayer on his behalf continues for the length of our lives, and God hears this prayer.
On 10 Jumada al-Awwal [September 29, 1278] of this year al-Malik al-Sa ‘id son of al-Malik al-Zahir appointed Chief Judge Sadr al-Din Sulayman al-Hanafito the chief judiciary in protected Damascus in place of Chief Judge Majd al-Din Ibn al--Adim al-Hanafi after his death on 16 Rabr al-Akhir [September 6, 1278] of this year, just as is mentioned in his biography.
He had been appointed after Chief Judge Shams al-Din, and Chief Judge Sadr al-Din continued in the Damascus judiciary for a short while, less than three months. Then he died, and it is said that he rendered judgment for four months, and then died.
On the evening of Monday 29 Ramadan [February 13, 1279] of this year al-Malik al-Sa‘Id [116] appointed Chief Judge Husam al-Din al-Hasan b. Ahmad b. al-Hasan al-R4zi, the judge of [Seljuq] Rum, who arrived accompanying al-Malik al-Zahir Baybars from Caesarea [Qaysariyya], to be the Hanaf1 Chief Judge in protected Damascus in place of Chief Judge Sadr al-Din.
Mention of al-Malik al-Sa‘id’s going to Syria
During Dhii al-Qa‘da [March—April 1279] of this year the Sultan al-Malik al-Sa‘id son of al-Malik al-Zahir traveled from protected Cairo to Syria to look around the realms. He arrived in Damascus on 5 Dhii al-Hijja [April 19, 1279] of this year and it was massively decorated for him. He was accompanied by al-Malik al-Mas‘tid Najm al-Din al-Khidr son of al-Malik al-Zahir and his mother. He ascended to the Damascus Citadel, and stayed in his father’s palace. The inhabitants of Damascus were overjoyed at this, and he prayed the Festival prayer in the Green Square, and performed the Festival in the Citadel.
During the first tenth of Dhii al-Hijja [April 14-24, 1279] the Najibiyya College opened close to the Nuriyya College in protected Damascus. Chief Judge Shams al-Din Ahmad Ibn Khallikan took up the duties of instruction during this (year). The Najibiyya Hospice (Ahdngah) also opened, which is on the southern upper overhang. The reason for the delay of the opening of the two places was the death of their endower, and the consequent watch over his inheritance and endowments. Therefore, when the time came, they were opened.
When the death of the chief Baha’ al-Din Ibn Hanna reached al-Malik al-Sa‘td, while he was in Damascus, at the end of Dhit al-Qa‘da [April 13, 1279] of this year, just as is mentioned in his biography, he placed his son the chief Taj al-Din Ibn Hanna under guard, taking his signature for 100,000 dinars. He then sent him with the post to Egypt so that the remainder of 300,000 dinars would be extracted from him, from his brother Zayn al-Din, and from their paternal cousin ‘Izz al-Din. All of that which was connected to them would be guarded.
During this year al-Malik al-Sa‘id appointed Chief Judge Burhan al-Din al-Sinjart to the ministry in the Egyptian homelands in place of the chief Baha al-Din Ibn Hanna. [117]
On 26 Dhi al-Hijja [May 10, 1279] al-Malik al-Sa‘id sat in the Justice House in Damascus, and abolished the [levy] that had been levied upon the inhabitants of Damascus concerning their gardens for each year, so the people were very happy about that. Their prayers and their love for him redoubled because that (levy) had ruined the gardens’ and properties’ owners such that a number of them wished that someone would seize what they owned.
Al-Malik al-Sa‘Id was in Damascus enjoying life to the utmost, him and his Khasakiyya, his mamluks, and his servants, while the inhabitants of Damascus were happy, pleased with him because of the injustices that he had removed which had built up during the time of his father.
Mention of preparing the armies for the land of Sis
When al-Malik al-Sa‘Id son of al-Malik al-Zahir was established in Damascus, while the Egyptian and Syrian armies in his service, accompanied by the emir Badr al-Din Baysara and the emir Sayf al-Din al-Alfi al-Salihi and the al-Shabab mamluks, listening to their opinions, and following their lead, their opinions necessitated getting rid of the senior emirs.
They then advised al-Malik al-Sa‘id to send the armies accompanied by the Salihiyya emirs to Sis, and the land of [Seljuq] Rum. A detachment was sent accompanied by the emir Sayf al-Din Qalawiin; another was accompanied by the emir Badr al-Din Baysara. He sent the treasury with them in order to pay the armies, so they departed going on a road upon which there were no difficulties or hardships, but they were on the lookout, just as God Most High said “you (might) think them all (united) together, but their hearts are divided.”!®
The malice towards al-Malik al-Sa‘Id was hidden in the depths, but the hatred had sprouted shoots from it. Obliviously, al-Malik al-Sa‘Id remained in Damascus, and what happened we will mention if God Most High wishes.
Some of the historians mentioned that the entrance of that army into Sis, its departure from it, its return to Damascus, and its dissension from al-Malik al-Sa‘id, together with its return to the region of the Egyptian homelands
were during this year. However, it is obvious that these things all happened during [6]78, just as we will mention there, if God Most High wishes. [Obituaries]
Mention of events of 678 [1279-80]
On 2 Muharram [May 15, 1279] of this year al-Malik al-Sa‘id son of al-Malik al-Zahir Rukn al-Din Baybars al-Salihi appointed the chief Fath al-Din Ibn al-Qaysarani al-Halabi to the Damascus ministry, while the heads rode in his formal procession, and he took up his duties that very day.
Mention of the raid by the armies against Sis and the dissension that occurred between the Khasakiyya and the Salihiyya emirs, and the return of the armies from Sis, their being forbidden to enter Damascus, and their going to the Egyptian homelands
We had previously mentioned that al-Malik al-Sa‘td son of al-Malik al-Zahir Rukn al-Din Baybars al-Saliht sent the armies to Sis. This was at the suggestion of the Khasakiyya emirs, and the purpose of it was to gain control of the administration to the detriment of the Salihiyya emirs. When they were distant, the Khasakiyya decided together with al-Malik al-Sa‘id to detain the Salihiyya emirs at their return from Sis, to seize their igtd’ fiefs, and to assign the livelihood of each of them to a single person among them.
This was when the emir Sayf al-Din Kindak went up to them, while alMalik al-Sa‘id continued in his seclusion, engrossed in his pleasures. The Khasakiyya had complete control over his thought-process, and he began to give them inordinate freedoms, in opposition to what his father used to do.
Then there was a contest between the Khasakiyya mamluks who were bound to al-Malik al-Sa‘td and the emir Sayf al-Din Kiindak, the senior deputy sultan. The reason for this was that al-Malik al-Sa‘td bestowed upon one of his mamluks 1000 dinars, but the emir Sayf al-Din Kiindak forbade this [...]'° [141] and they came to the emir Kiindak, and forced him to hear the words [...] and they entered into al-Malik al-Sa‘id, and said “Remove him,” but he refused.
So this reached the emir Sayf al-Din Kindak [...] a/-gatifa to expect the armies in Sis. Al-Malik al-Sa‘Id was unable to repair the relations between the Khasakiyya and the emir Ktindak, or to make a peace between them. This was what was happening with these.
As for what was happening with the armies that traveled to Sis, when they entered Sis they rushed in, and destroyed the inviolate place of the unbelievers. The emir Badr al-Din Baysara went to Qal‘at al-Riim, and the emirs
leading the armies returned. They mustered at the field to enter Damascus with the vanguard (a¢/ab) and the arrangement as usual.
The emir Sayf al-Din Ktndak greeted them, and informed them of private discussions, after having sent to them secretly, informing them of what the Khasakiyya had conspired against them. They kept this to themselves, but when they arrived, the emir Kindak greeted them. He then informed them face-to-face, and swore to them, so they believed him. This was because he was the deputy sultan, and privy to the realm’s secrets. They verified this so they would know of al-Malik al-Sa‘id’s acting upon it. This was on top of his favoring the youth, and those of his previous actions that we have explained.
So they stayed on the field, and did not enter Damascus, but brought the codices [of the Qur’an], and used them to swear each other. They sent to al-Malik al-Sa‘id saying that
We will stay on the field, and that the emir Sayf al-Din Ktndak delivered many complaints to us from Lajin al-Zaynt. It is necessary for us to uncover the truth, so the Sultan should send to us, so that we can hear the words of both of them. [...]!”
So they presented him to him, whereupon he presented him to the emirs, then they waited upon the letters he had with him, verifying his evil opinion of them. They then passed immediately and camped upon al-Jasiira towards the direction of Daraya. Matters then came to light which indicated dissention, that the Sultan had [142] gone way too far in his bad opinion and administration, so he had just about used up all his chances.
He hastened to send to the emir Shams al-Din Sunqur a/-ashqar and the emir Shams al-Din Sunqur al-Tikriti, the majordomo, to the likes of them, seeking for them to return, begging from them all types of submission, while exerting him [al-Sa‘td] to do what would make them satisfied. They conducted negotiations with them concerning that, but nothing was accomplished other than mutual irritation.
They said, “There is no way to bring him back,” so the two aforementioned emirs returned to him, and repeated the words to him. Anxiety cloaked him, and the messengers went back and forth between the two sides. They proposed to him that the Khasakiyya be exiled, but he was not able to do that, and in fact was incapable.
His mother said to him “I am going to betake myself to them; perhaps they will pay attention to a woman.” Therefore, he gave permission to her for that, so she departed to them, while Sunqur a/-ashgar went with her to seek to satisfy them, and to hammer out a peace between them. When she arrived, she entered into their presence, but they did not pay attention to her, or notice her presence. Therefore, she abandoned what she had been hoping.
It is said that they when the Sultan’s mother met with them, and discussed the peace with them, they laid down conditions, and promised her that they would enter Damascus the very next day. Then when she returned to her son, she informed him of that, the Khasakiyya prevented him from fulfilling the conditions.
When this reached the emirs, they assembled the armies, and headed for the Egyptian homelands. What happened next we will mention, if God Most High wishes.
The author of Ordering the Ways Concerning the History of Caliphs and Kings,'* said approximately the following:
As for al-Malik al-Sa‘id, he delivered to the emirs what distracted them and made things unclear for them. It changed their intentions, so the courtiers of al-Malik al-Sa‘Itd began to correspond with the emir Sayf al-Din and those with him concerning al-Malik al-Sa‘id’s treachery, of which they were aware, and his intention to arrest them, put them to death, and cause them to perish.
Al-Malik al-Sa‘Id also transmitted concerning them that which made his intentions murky, caused hidden hatreds to arise, and corrupted good intentions. The affairs of al-Malik al-Sa‘id reached the outer regions, and the emir Sayf al-Din Qalawin returned leading those armies which were with him from Sis while al-Malik al-Sa‘id was in Damascus.
The emirs demurred from entering Damascus fearing treachery, and al-Malik al-Sa‘Id’s mother departed to the suburbs of Damascus, and discussed with the emirs. However, they did not relent because of her words, nor did they place trust in her guidance. They were unconvinced to entrust themselves to promises. Their spirits lifted, with them preparing to prevent (Damascus) being handed over, and to defend it.
It is said that the emir Sayf [al-Din] [143] Kindak, the deputy sultan, was staying in the Hill Citadel in the Egyptian homelands during the period of al-Malik al-Sa‘Id’s absence in Syria. What happened next we will mention, if God Most High wishes.
Al-Malik al-Sa‘id’s going to the Egyptian homelands, his removal, and his being given Kerak as a realm
The judge Muhyi al-Din [Ibn] ‘Abd al-Zahir, the composer of Life of al-Malik al-Zahir, during Muharram [May 1279] of that year eulogized al-Malik al-Zahir Rukn al-Din Baybars al-Salihi with an epic poem, and sent it to Damascus to have it declaimed over the tomb of al-Malik al-Zahir at [...]!? which is:
[Ibn ‘Abd al-Zahir’s poem eulogizing Baybars| [144]
The epic poem was declaimed in the presence of al-Malik al-Sa‘id, and when the emirs arrived from Sis. What we previously mentioned occurred, while they went in the direction of the Egyptian homelands, al-Malik al-Sa‘td departed from Damascus [...] those who stayed behind with him of [...]?° and Syria, while they headed behind the armies, and followed them to the Egyptian homelands camp by camp.
He sent his mother and his treasuries to Kerak, and went, arriving at Bilbays at the middle of the month of Rabi al-Akhir [August 1279] of this year. He found the emir Sayf al-Din Qalawiin had preceded him leading the armies to Cairo, but the army which was with him accompanying him from Syria began to plot against him.
So he returned from Bilbays to Damascus. The deputy in Damascus was the emir ‘Izz al-Din Aydimur, so when al-Malik al-Sa‘Id arrived in Damascus, he found the armies surrounded in the Citadel, so [Alam al-Din] al-Halabi took him along, went through the vanguard, and brought him into the Citadel. Few people were killed, but the army closed it up tightly, and then rushed it. This was what was happening there.
As for what was happening with the emirs who had arrived in Cairo, the emir Sayf al-Din Kindak did not allow them to enter Cairo, nor to ascend to the Citadel, as he was staying there during the absence of al-Malik al-Sa‘Id in Syria according to those historians who tell of this.
Therefore, the armies pitched tents beneath the Hill Citadel, [145] and the emirs gathered, considering whom they should make Sultan. Every one of them was saying to his fellows “None but so-and-so is appropriate for the sultanate!” During the course of this, al-Malik al-Sa‘1d arrived accompanied by 100 people from his mamluks, and ascended to the Citadel.
The emir Sayf al-Din Kiindak opened for him, and he ascended the al-Rafraf Tower over the stable, and began to shout “O emirs, return to your loyalty, and I will only do what you say.” However, none of them assented to this, and they brought out letters from him which he wrote seeking a number of the Fidawiyya [Assassins] to kill them. They surrounded the Citadel, besieging it, and climbing up to the Citadel, detaining al-Malik al-Sa‘id, and removing him from the rule.
They wrote concerning his removal a letter [...] on 7 Rab? al-Akhir [August 17, 1279] of this year, and specified Kerak for him. Additionally his brother Najm al-Din would be given Shawbak fortress, and then they sent al-Malik al-Sa‘id to Kerak.
The period of his reign from the time of his father al-Malik al-Zahir’s death until he was removed was two years, two months and some days. He arrived in Kerak and it was handed over to him on 25 Jumada al-Awwal [October 3, 1279] of this year.
It was said that the arrival of the emirs to protected Cairo was during the month of Rabi al-Awwal [July 1279] of this year, and they camped beneath the Red Mountain, and made contact with the emirs who were staying inside the Hill Citadel. In it there were the emir ‘Izz al-Din Aybak al-afram al-Salihi, amir jandar (guard), the emir ‘Ala’ al-Din Iqtawan al-sdaqi, and the emir Sayf al-Din Balaban al-Zariqi, majordomo.
They approached the governor of Cairo about locking the gates, so they were locked. Lower walls had been built beyond most of them. The emirs then sent back and forth with them about the opening of the gates, so that the armies could enter going to their homes and see their children. The emirs “Izz al-Din al-afram and * Ala’ al-Din Iqtawan al-saqi both descended to meet with the emirs, so the emir Sayf al-Din Kiindak anticipated them.
With the emirs were those who proceeded to detain the two of them, and also al-Husam Lajin al-Berke-khani, as he had been in their company. He ordered the city gates to be opened, and the people [= soldiers] entered their homes, and the emirs bore the three detained emirs to the house of the emir Sayf al-Din Qalawin who was known as the emir Fakhr al-Din ‘Uthman. That was what was happening with these.
As for the emir Sayf al-Din Balaban al-Zariqi, he shut and locked the Citadel gates, so the emirs proceeded to besiege it. The emirs conspiring against al-Malik al-Sa ‘td who did this deed were: Baysara al-Shams!, Qalawin al-Alf7, Aytimish al-Sa‘di, Aydakin al-bunduqdar, Baktash al-Najmi, Kushtaghdt al-Shamst, [146] Balaban al-Harini, Bajka al--Ala71, Baybars al-Rashid, Kundughdi al-Waziri, Ya‘ qiba al-Shahraziiri, Aytamish b. Atlas Khan, Baydghan al-Rukni, Baktit son of atabak, Kundughdi amir majlis (in charge of medical issues), Baktut Jarmak, Baybars Tuqsu, Kandak, Aybak al-Hamawi, Sunqur al-Alfi, Sunqur Jah al-Zahiri, Qalanjaq al-Zahiri, Satilmish, Qajqar al-Hamawi, and those others of the junior emirs, and commanders of the free-born troops (halqa), the notables of the mafarida,”! and the Bahriyya [regiment], and they surrounded the Citadel. This was what was happening with those.
As for what was happening with al-Malik al-Sa‘td, when the emirs traveled from Syria, and headed towards the Egyptian homelands, just as we previously explained, he gathered the remnants of the Egyptian and Syrian armies, and summoned the Bedouins, paying them in Damascus. He then departed from it heading towards the Egyptian homelands, but when he arrived in Gaza, most of the Bedouin slipped away.
When he arrived in Bilbays the Syrian army plotted against him, and returned in the company of the emir ‘Izz al-Din Aydimur, deputy of Syria, and only a small number of his mamluks remained together with al-Malik al-Sa‘id.
Among them were Lajin al-Zayni, Mughultay al-Dimashqi, Mughultay al-Jaki, Sunqur al-Tikritt, Aydughd? al-Harrani, Albaki al-sagi, Baktit al-Himsi, Salah al-Din Yusuf son of Berke Khan, and similar sorts of people, while among the senior emirs, the emir Shams al-Din Sunqur al-ashqar, especially.
When al-Malik al-Sa‘id arrived close to al-Matariyya, the emir Shams al-Din Sunqur a/-ashqar separated himself and abandoned him, but did not draw near to the emirs, but merely stayed in place until that which we will mention if God Most High wishes happened.
The Sultan’s trip from Bilbays reached the emirs who were besieging the Citadel. It was said to them that he will come up from behind the Red Mountain, so they rode and headed towards the mountain, to interdict between him and the Citadel. This was a day in which the fog was piled up, and the sun’s face was concealed. People could not see even their companions who were walking alongside of them.
This was a mercy from God Most High to the Muslims, so al-Malik al-Sa‘id was concealed from the eyes, and was saved from the hand of fate. He ascended the Citadel, so his mamluks opened the gate for him. When the gloom was removed, it was said to the emirs that the Sultan has ascended to the Citadel, so they tightened the siege.
Then al-Malik al-Sa‘td went through the Citadel. Lajin al-Zayni quarreled with Sayf al-Din al-Zariqi, speaking to him rudely. So he became enraged, and descended from the Citadel to the emirs to plot against al-Malik al-Sa‘id. The mamluks one by one [147] slipped out after him.
The emir ‘Alam al-Din Sanjar al-Halabi was imprisoned in the Citadel, so al-Malik al-Sa ‘id brought him out, and asked his advice as to what to do. He said, “I think that you should give me those mamluks who are with you, so I can descend leading them against them, to attack them, and disperse them!” However, he did not permit him to do that, so the matter dragged on for a week, while the Citadel was under siege.
The Caliph sent to them saying, “What (aysh) is your goal?” They said to him “That he remove himself from the rule, so we can give him Kerak.” They swore to him about this, so he assented to them about this. The Commander of the Believers, the judges and the notaries were then presented, and
he descended from the Citadel, and testified for himself [...]? he and the emir ‘Ala al-Din Aydakin al-Fakhri. He then handed over the wealth, treasures and stores that were in it.
His departure from the realm was during the month of Rabr al-Awwal [July 1279] of this year, and the period of his rule had been two years, a month, and some days. Injustice [Court] continued during his days under the Chief Baha’ al-Din. However, the prices during his days were low, with wheat being sold six dirhams for an ardabb and at five, just as it was previously, while barley and beans were four dirhams and three for an ardabb. Praise be to the Doer of what He wills! Who judges in His dominion according to what He wishes, God suffices for us, and He is the best trustee.
Mention of the sultanate of al-Malik al- Adil Salamish son of al-Malik al-Zahir Rukn al-Din Baybars al-Salihi, who was the sixth of the Turkish kings in the Egyptian homelands
When al-Malik al-Sa‘id was removed, and they sent him to Kerak just as we previously explained, the emirs gathered and offered the sultanate to the emir Sayf al-Din Qalawiin al-Alfi, but he refused, saying “I did not overthrow al-Malik al-Sa‘Id out of greediness for the dominion, nor desirous of the sultanate. The priority is that the rule should not pass from al-Malik al-Zahir’s progeny.”
This was among the signs of Qalawiin’s good administration and his political sense, because it quieted the Zahiri uprising. These regiments were most of the army in the Egyptian homelands, and also the citadels were in the hands of al-Malik [al-Sa‘1d’s] deputies [...]?? [148] when they had all agreed on this, they brought out Badr al-Din Salamish, who was seven years old plus some months. It is said just seven years, but it is also said ten years.
They swore to him and to the atabak Sayf al-Din Qalawin. Badr al-Din Salamish took the regnal name of al-Malik al- Adil, and he was the sixth of the Turkish kings in the Egyptian homelands. The mint was struck in his name, and the preachers mentioned his name and the name of the atabak in the sermons. This was during the month of Rabi al-Akhir [August 1279] but it was said during Rabr’ al-Awwal [July 1279] of this year, and it is said other than that.
The atabak Sayf al-Din Qalawin administered the realm, and the emirs dealt with him as if he was the Sultan. The emir ‘Izz al-Din a/-afram was established as the deputy sultan in the Egyptian homelands, while the chief Burhan al-Din al-Sinjari continued in the ministry in the Egyptian homelands. This was what was happening with these in the Egyptian homelands.
As for what was happening with the army of Syria that had plotted against al-Malik al-Sa‘id, and the army that had been dispatched to Aleppo, the plotting Syrian army returned to Syria, and entered Damascus on Sunday the beginning of Jumada al-Awwal [September. 9, 1279] of this year, accompanied by the emir ‘Izz al-Din Aydimurt.
The army dispatched to Aleppo, when it heard the report of dissension that had happened between the emir and al-Malik al-Sa‘id they returned, arriving in Damascus during the month of Rabi’ al-Akhir [August 1279]. They were the emir ‘Izz al-Din Izdimur al-’ Ala, the emir [Shams al-Din] Qarasunqur al-Mu‘izzi, the emir Jamal al-Din Aqish al-Shamsi, the emir Sayf al-Din Barlaghi, and others. The army was approximately 2000 horsemen.
When the plotting army arrived at [...] the aforementioned emirs conspired with the emir Jamal al-Din Aqish al-Shamsi that they would appoint him commander over them, and that they would detain the emir ‘Izz al-Din Aydimur al-Zahiri, the deputy of Damascus, because he plotted against his majordomo.
So when the emir ‘Izz al-Din and the army arrived accompanying him in Damascus as we previously explained, the emirs who were in Damascus went out to meet them. But when they arrived at the Jabiya Gate, the emir Jamal al-Din Aqiish al-Shamsi said [149] to the emir ‘Izz al-Din Aydimur [al-Zahiri] “Enter with me to my house, and there will be no cause for division (fitna) [between the Muslims] until the written command of the Sultan arrives.”
However, he only allowed him to pass, so he stayed with the emir Jamal al-Din Aqish until after the [late afternoon] prayer. Then Izdimur al-’ Ala’ and Rukn al-Din al-jalig came, so they took ‘Izz al-Din Aydimur al-Zahiri and ascended with him to the Damascus Citadel, handing him over to its deputy the emir ‘Alam al-Din Sanjar al-Dawadari.
During the middle tenth of Jumada al-Ula** [September 18-28, 1279] the emir Jamal al-Din Bakhili and the emir Shams al-Din Sunqur Jah al-Kunji arrived in Damascus from the Egyptian homelands. He came with a copy of the oath upon which the situation in the Egyptian homelands had been resolved with al-Malik al-Sa‘1d’s removal, and the emplacement of his brother Badr al-Din Salamish together with the atabak. Therefore, the people swore in Damascus, just as they had sworn in the Egyptian homelands.
During Jumada al-Awwal al-Malik al-‘Adil Badr al-Din Salamish and the atabak Sayf al-Din Qalawiin appointed Chief Judge Sadr al-Din ‘Umar son of Chief Judge Taj al-Din “Abd al-Wahhab son of the daughter of al-A‘zz al-Shafi'l to the chief judiciary in the Egyptian homelands. This was after the removal of Chief Judge Taqi al-Din Ibn Razin al-Shafi'l. Chief Judge Mu‘izz al-Din al-Hanafi was also removed that month. Chief Judge Nafis al-Din
Ibn Shukr al-Maliki was also removed, then the both of them were returned (to their positions). A Hanbali justice was assigned at the time of their being returned, who was Chief Judge ‘Izz al-Din ‘Umar b. “Abdallah b. ‘Umar b. ‘Iwad al-Maqdist a-Hanball.
Al-Malik al--Adil Badr al-Din Salamish and the atdbak Sayf al-Din Qalawiin appointed Shams al-Din Sunqur a/-ashgar to be deputy sultan in protected Damascus, so he went to it, arriving on Wednesday 8 Jumada al-Akhira [October 16, 1279] of that year. It is said the 2nd [October 10, 1279]. With him were a number of the emirs, and armies, and the people rejoiced to greet him. They interacted with him almost like one of the kings.
He stayed in the House of Felicity, and ordered [150] the emir “Alam al-Din al-Duwaydar' to settle in the Citadel, to take up the duties of supervision and administration of affairs. The investiture of the emir Shams al-Din Sunqur was read in the preaching enclosure on Friday with the notables attending, although he himself did not attend its reading.
Al-Malik al-Adil Badr al-Din Salamish and the atdbak Sayf al-Din Qalawiin appointed the emir Jamal al-Din Aqish al-Shamsi to be the deputy sultan in protected Aleppo, and the emir Sayf al-Din Qalawin began to detain the Zahiri emirs and to requite the ZahirI mamluks for their evil actions.
He detained their most notable figures, and sent them to the border regions in prisons. He did not continue punishing them, but taught them a lesson by imprisonment, then released them one by one and some of them returned to their emirship after his sultanate.
The emir Badr al-Din Baysara engrossed himself in pleasure and drink, so the atabak Qalawin alone was involved in ruling the realm, so began to administer the affairs, disperse money, lead the realms, and grant favors, give, and take the hearts of the emirs. Whoever was forgotten from the Bahriyya Salihiyya would present himself so he would give igta’ fiefs to them, command them. He sent some of them to the Syrian lands, making them deputies in the castles, or asking concerning their progeny.
Among them there were those who were connected with manufacturing, and professions. He would order them to gather their dispersed ones, so among them were those assigned to the Bahriyya. Among them were also those he assigned allowances and returned them to the shade of felicity.
How accurate was the one who said:
When it is difficult, the noble remember those who associate with them in hard times.
Mention of the removal of al-Malik al-* Adil Badr al-Din Salamish from the sultanate and his going to Kerak
Just as we had previously mentioned the atdbak Sayf al-Din Qalawiin, when the sultanate was offered to him, he refused and indicated instead that one of al-Malik al-Zahir Rukn al-Din Baybars al-Salihi’s children should be nominated. Then the emirs agreed altogether upon the sultanate of al-Malik al--Adil Badr al-Din Salamish son of al-Malik al-Zahir Rukn al-Din Baybars al-Salihi, and made him sultan, as we have mentioned previously.
They also made the atdbak Sayf al-Din Qalawiin the commander of the armies, so he began to prepare himself the ways, and administer the realms. When his goal was accomplished, he met together with the emirs on 20 Rajab [678] [November 26, 1279], though it is said on 21 Rajab [November 27]. They mentioned the youthful age of al-Malik al-’ Adil and that the sultanate should not devolve upon anyone other than a mature man, so they agreed to remove him, and they removed him and sent him to Kerak with his brother al-Malik al-Sa‘id.
The duration of al-Malik al-\Adil Badr [152] al-Din Saldmish’s rule was three months and some days. Then the emirs met together in the Egyptian homelands and took counsel about removing al-Adil Badr al-Din Salamish, so they removed him just as we previously mentioned. Then they agreed that al-Malik al-Mansir Sayf al-Din Qalawtn would be sultan, and appointed him.
He sat upon the sultanic throne (takht) in the Hill Citadel, outside of protected Cairo on Sunday 20 Rajab [November 26, 1279] in the year 678, this year. It was said [also] that he sat on Tuesday 21 Rajab [November 27, 1279].** The emirs and commanders rendered their oaths—all as usual with the oath-taking. He took the royal name of al-Malik al-Mansur, and ordered that al-Salihi be written at the beginnings of his proclamations, rescripts and correspondence.” This was inscribed to the right of the basmala and underneath it slightly on every written record.
The post-couriers departed together with letters concerning the sultanate of al-Malik al-Mansir in the Egyptian homelands that had been agreed upon. He was the seventh of those Turkish rulers who had ruled the Egyptian homelands. The text of the oath of allegiance was taken to Damascus and to the other realms.
Cairo and Old Cairo, with their suburbs, were decorated, and the Citadel. The preachers mentioned him [in the sermons] in Cairo, Old Cairo, and the rest of the Egyptian homelands at the end of Rajab, the aforementioned month.
One of the first things that al-Malik al-Mansur took upon himself at the time of his sitting upon the sultanic throne was the cancelation of the dawlaba [tax] in the Egyptian homelands, as it had ruined the populace. All complaints, events and the Christians’ muqarrar [assessment] were also cancelled This was after the assessment had been established over the Christians for a period of 12 years. Prices were reduced, and the emirs, army and populace were gladdened by this.
On 26 Rajab [December 2, 1279], and it was said on the 28th, the post-courier arrived in Damascus [and some of al-Malik al-Mansir’s mamluks drove] the post horses from the sultanic Stable Gate outside the Hill Citadel towards protected Damascus during two days and seven hours. This [record] was never known previously. The people swore to the Sultan Sayf al-Din Qalawin in all of Syria, and he was mentioned in the sermons from the Damascene pulpits on Friday 2 Sha*ban in the year [6]78 [December 8, 1279].
Damascus was decorated beautifully, in a way never previously seen, and the decoration stayed up seven days. The Sultan al-Malik al-Mansur freed the emir ‘Izz al-Din Aybak al-afram al-Salihi, and assigned him to the deputy sultanate in the Egyptian homelands. He confirmed the chief Burhan al-Din al-Sinjari in the ministry in the Egyptian homelands, and al-Malik al-Mansir began to sit in the Justice Court every Monday and Thursday. [153]
On Saturday 3 Sha*ban [December 9, 1279] the Sultan al-Malik al-Manstr Sayf al-Din Qalawiin rode with the sultanic insignia and kingly pomp, which was his first riding. He transversed Cairo, which was decorated, and it was a day worth remembering.
He wrote to the emir Shams al-Din Sunqur a/-ashqar informing him of his riding, and the letter was in the handwriting of the judge Taj al-Din Ibn al-Athir. In it:
May his days continue giving affection, seeing the victory of which you have wished, witnessing signs of triumph that will expand security for the servants, increasing praise for the dominion bestowed, which is rightfully ours.
The mamluk guides from the subtleties of his information, his allowance of intercessory prayers, and the gnostic benefits God has established for him, together with the graces given to him which fill his hands, such that they take his breath away, and cause his mouth to open in praise at their beneficence. They increase the happiness of his soul, and its joyfulness, while both increase the bonds of felicity.
They also adorn the bonds with pearls in this marriage consummation, strengthening thereby the powers of resolution, and making enemies consider carefully, lest they almost be dragged by the tails of defeat. Hope will be sent upon attainment by victory, and thereby manifest the affection, which were pens intending to enumerate it, they would be unable to do so.
This is that the noble knowledge has encompassed in a manner that has
affirmed the people’s entrance into the mamluk’s [Qalawiin] obedience, and all accept him.
When it was Saturday 3 Sha‘ban year 678 [December 9, 1279] the mamluk [Qalawiin] rode with the sultanic insignia, and the king’s pomp, with the emirs, commanders, mafdarida, and victorious armies. He arrived at the highest councils according to the customs of service, the purity of intention, and good obedience—all indicating the orderliness of the matter, and the completeness of the bond of victory.
When we had completed the [public] riding, having given the supporters a promise of felicity written down, we returned to the protected Hill Citadel. This was while hands were raised to us in righteous prayers of intercession, hearts were gathered as one in love of our ruling days, hopes were pinned upon justice and its continuity, glances rose to support our lights’ rising, and we mandated the circumstances of sacral warfare (jihad) from this point.
We swore to all, if God Most High willed, to conquer the lands in the enemies’ hands, and that no time would be wasted until we twisted the reins and pointed the spear-tips. We will manifest the hidden intentions in the souls, and we have commanded that protected Damascus be decorated and that the tidings be sent through the lands—encompassing both settled and nomad. May God Most High make His times open with congratulations, and thank those who hasten to aid, which will continue to be praised at every way-stop, if God Most High wills.
During Sha‘ban of this year [December 1279] al-Malik al-Mansitr ordered for the judge Taqi al-Din Tawba al-Tikriti, the treasury purchaser (bayyi' alkhizdna) in protected Damascus, to be relieved of this office, and that extras to which he had committed himself should be forgiven him, [154] and entrusted to him the inspectorate of the Treasury in protected Damascus.
During this year, the people fasted the first part of Ramadan on Friday in discord and severe doubt.
On Sunday 3 Ramadan [January 7, 1280] the Sultan al-Malik al-Mansur Qalawiin appointed the emir Jamal al-Din Aqush al-Sharifi, amir jandar (guard), to the deputy sultanate over al-Salt and al-Balqa’.’’
On Friday 8 Ramadan [January 12, 1280] he freed the chief Fath al-Din Ibn al-Qaysarani, the minister for protected Syria, and he descended to his home, after having been held under a written proclamation (tarsim) in the Citadel’s victorious mosque for over 30 days.
On Sunday 10 Ramadan [January 14, 1280] al-Malik al-Manstr appointed the emir Fakhr al-Din al-Tunba al-Zaydi to the deputy sultanate of al-Qusayr, which is close to Antioch. On that day al-Malik al-Mansir appointed the emir ‘Alam al-Din Sanjar al-Mansiuri to the noble deputy sultanate of protected Balatinus, and the judge Fath al-Din, son of the judge Muhyi al-Din son of the judge Rashid al-Din ‘Abd al-Zahir wrote out the formal letter of appointment. Here is its text:
Afterwards, after praising God for continuously succoring blessings, the gratitude and praise for which are obligatory, sweet for those possessed of hopes, and returning prayers upon our lord Muhammad, by whom God raised [the tribe of] Quraysh to glory, upon its ancestor, upon his family, and Companions, prayers without number or boundary.
Since so-and-so was among those who presented the gifts of his service, raising thereby to the highest, vying in his ambition, lifted by his successful governance, until the dynasty (daw/a) magnified him, and lifted his flag, made him suffice for guarding fortresses, gifting him with penetrating good judgment. Then suppleness has begun for the offshoots, which grant him protection, so the thought should not be left behind, and it (the dynasty) has given him an investiture.
So he has been good in what was invested in him through beneficence, and his realm, of protected Balatinus, has been one can proudly boast against the realms, as it as ascended high, vying with Gemini in its loftiness. There is no need to guard it, because in it, are there not those who have been loyal in their attention to guarding, and have warded over it.
The session of the emir ‘Alam al-Din is the one who deserves these descriptions, the one who brings good obedience, the one who brings the lined up (for battle), who has grown up in service, now as a trainer training through his ability, and placing him in the gathering-place of respect by his right.
The noble good opinion necessitates therefore that the high command go forth that he be delegated the noble deputyship of this protected castle, and that [155] it be associated with his good descriptions. For this reason, the deputyship is delegated to him in it, according to the usual of those who have preceded him, and good obedience, returning, expending service, turning attention to every benefit gaining thereby the fruits of blessing. So let him be an equal in what is guarded, as an example, bringing the subjects to good conduct.
So when there is there is the option of either vengeance or clemency in a ruling, and the offence is less than the punishment, let him choose clemency. Let him choose justice, for it is the reins of merit, and the material for the period being judged, generosity for achieving success as a result of every good, and advancement.
(As for the) the castle, its men, its stores, its wealth, its workers, its districts, its troops, its champions, so let him pay close attention in the morning and before sunset, both in total and in part, to fortify, to gain, and to bring good things close, as well as to unite them.
He should hold fast to the tails of the pure Law (sharv a), its arranged rulings, holding fast in a way that will make his praise worthy, bestowing the good (tradition) freely, to be generous in good things, with good conduct being his concern.
As for the castle, it is a trust in his care, a pearl entrusted to him to ward well, so he needs to guard it day and night, with foot (soldiers) and horse, guards and deputies: open and closed, its barking-places (for dogs). This is together with roads, guarding, watching, resting, halting, going out, entering, leveling taxes, storing, spending, turning to and turning away, holding back and compelling one following the path of corruption. All of this while accepting the one who manifests rebellion in a way that demonstrates politic, upholding the punishment of chiding, making the ways safe, renovating those places that cheer one—the instructions are many.
So let him be among those who remember this according to perspicuity, while being aided by God over what he governs and shepherds according to what he has been tasked to do, and the noble signature, may God raise it, raising it as a proof of its contents and in accord.
During the month of Ramadan the emir Fakhr al-Din Ayaz al-Malihi was nominated as governor over the western districts in place of the emir Nasir al-Din son of al-Muhsini al-Jazari.
Mention of Husam al-Din Turuntay’s appointment as deputy sultan over the Egyptian homelands
The emir ‘Izz al-Din Aybak a/-afram continued as overlord deputy sultan in the Egyptian homelands promoting to al-Malik al-Mansur Sayf al-Din Qalawitn the appointment of his mamluk, the emir Husam al-Din Turuntay, to the noble deputy sultanate in the Egyptian homelands in his place. This was until the sultan appointed the latter to the deputy sultanate in the Egyptian homelands in place of the emir ‘Izz al-Din Aybak al-afram on Thursday 14 Ramadan [January 18, 1280]. It is said also 23 Ramadan [January 27, 1280], and he took charge of the deputyship. God knows best which of the two it was.
On Sunday 17 Ramadan [January 21, 1280] the sultan al-Malik al-Mansur detained the emir Nir al-Din “Ali son of al-Malik al-Nasir Salah al-Din Yusuf, ruler of Syria, and upon [156] a number of the Nasiriyya [regiment].
On 26 Ramadan [January 30, 1280] al-Malik al-Mansir Sayf al-Din Qalawiin removed the chief Burhan al-Din al-Khidr al-Sinjart from his ministry over the Egyptian homelands. It was said also on Friday, 29 Ramadan that he detained the chief Shams al-Din ‘Isa son of the chief Burhan al-Din al-Sinjari, and their horses were taken from them, with the horses of their followers.
The chief Burhan al-Din and his son spent the night in the home of the emir ‘Alam al-Din al-Shuja‘1, and they stayed under house arrest for days. Their chamberlains and retainers were arrested, while they sought after the cash and revenue they had taken. This totaled 263,000 [dirhams].
On Monday 2 Shawwal [February 5, 1280] of this year al-Malik al-Manstr appointed the chief Fakhr al-Din Ibrahim b. Luqman to the ministry in the Egyptian homelands, and the emir ‘Ala’ al-Din Kushtghad?i al-Shamsi, the majordomo of the noble house, bore the robes to him in his house in the Hill Citadel. But he strongly refused, wept, and begged off. This was ignored, so (finally) he donned the robes, taking up the office in place of the chief Burhan al-Din al-Sinjari.
The chief Burhan al-Din stayed at the school of his brother the Chief Judge Badr al-Din al-Sinjari in al-Qarafa al-Sughra (the Lesser) after he was liberated and allowed to go on his way.
On that day the judge Fath al-Din Muhammad son of the judge Muhyt al-Din ‘Abdallah son of the Shaykh Rashid al-Din ‘Abd al-Zahir took up the office of secretary, and postmaster [intelligence], and penning the noble responses in place of the chief Fakhr al-Din Ibn Luqman. On that day alMalik al-Mansir detained a number of the emirs and notables, among them ‘Ala’ al-Din Mughultay al-Dimashqi, Sayf al-Din Baktimur, amir akhiir (shield-bearer), Sayf al-Din Tuqsaba al-Nasiri, Salah al-Din Ahmad son of Berke Tukhan, Shihab al-Din Qurtay al-Mansuri, and Sarim al-Din the chamberlain, and imprisoned them.
On 5 Shawwal [February 8, 1280] al-Malik al-Mansir entrusted the office of Treasury inspector in protected Damascus to the judge Taqi al-Din al-Tikritt, together with the ministry in Syria, and ennobled him with the robes of the ministers, and titled him “chief.” [157]
Mention of al-Malik al-Sa‘id son of al-Malik al-Zahir, ruler of Kerak, taking over al-Shawbak, and then its return to al-Malik al-Mansir, ruler of Egypt
Al-Malik al-Sa‘Id Nasir al-Din Muhammad Berke Khan son of al-Malik al-Zahir Rukn al-Din Baybars al-Bunduqdari al-Saliht al-Najmi was given Kerak when the emirs conspired to remove him from the sultanate in the Egyptian homelands, the Syrian lands, the Islamic castles, and the Hijazi
quarters, and place his brother Badr al-Din Salamish in the sultanate in place of him. This was while Sayf al-Din Qalawiin was his commander (atdbak), as we previously explained.
This was conditional upon his not corresponding with the emirs, nor interfering with the armies, nor cross over to areas other than Kerak. When alMalik al-Sa‘id set out for Kerak, and settled in it, his mamluks encouraged him and made interference in the fortresses seem good to him, taking them one by one, so he agreed with them on that.
He corresponded with the deputies, and sent the emir Husam al-Din Lajin, the head of the Sa‘idian jandar (guard), to Shawbak. Thus, he gained control over it, and stayed in it. Sayf al-Din Qalawiin wrote to him, forbidding him, but he did not desist, so he dispatched a number of the victorious army, placing the emir Badr al-Din Bilik al-Aydimuri in command.
They departed for Shawbak on Monday 9 Shawwal [February 12, 1280], so the emir Badr al-Din camped up against Shawbak, and surrounded its garrison, so it was handed over on 10 Dhi al-Qa‘da of that year [March 13, 1280]. He assigned a deputy to it, and returned from it.
It was said that when al-Malik al-Sa‘Id was removed from the sultanate, he was given Kerak. Najm al-Din al-Khidr son of al-Malik al-Zahir was given Shawbak. So when the emirs agreed to remove al-Malik al-’ Adil son of alMalik al-Zahir from the sultanate in the Egyptian homelands. They removed him, sending him to be with his brother in Kerak, just as we previously explained, who sent an army to besiege Shawbak. This was when the reign of al-Malik al-Mansir stabilized, just as we mentioned.
When the news of their going reached its ruler, al-Malik [...] Najm al-Din Khidr son of al-Malik al-Zahir, he transferred himself to Kerak to be with his brother al-Malik al-Sa‘Id. Then the army arrived at Shawbak castle, besieged it for a time, whereupon it was handed over on safe conduct. God knows best which of these happened.
The envoys of Alfonso arrived, in spite of the fact that they were actually envoys to al-Malik al-Sa‘id son of al-Malik al-Zahir. Al-Malik al-Mansiir summoned them, and they gave him the letters, and they returned having spoken face-to-face. They brought the gifts they had with them, which were very insignificant. He wrote them an answer, bestowed robes upon them, supported them, and prepared them [for their journey], so they returned during the middle of Shawwal [mid-February 1280].
On Saturday 21 Shawwal [February 24, 1280] al-Malik al-Mansir detained al-Malik al-Awhad and his brother Shihab al-Din Muhammad, sons of al-Malik al-Nasir Salah al-Din Da’td, ruler of Kerak, and imprisoned them both.
On that day al-Malik al-Manstr appointed Badr al-Din Bilik a/-tayyar (the flyer) to the deputy sultanate in protected Safed castle. He transferred the emir ‘Alam al-Din Sanjar al-Kurji to the governate. He transferred the emir Sayf al-Din Balaban al-Jawwadi to the protected Citadel treasury.
On Monday 23 Shawwal [February 26, 1280] it was established that the judge Sharaf al-Din Abt Talib son of the judge ‘Ala’ al-Din Ibn al-Nablusi would take up his duties in the Chancelleries Inspectorate in the Egyptian homelands, and he bestowed a robe upon him. He took up his duties in place of the judge Najm al-Din Ibn al-Usfiini in Upper Egypt, and from the judge Taj al-Din Ibn al-Sanhiri in Lower Egypt.
On Tuesday 24 Shawwal [February 27, 1280] al-Malik al-Mansiir was enraged against the Christians, especially the secretaries of the victorious armies, and their payment, so he ordered the use of Muslim secretaries [solely]. He assigned the judge Amin al-Din, the notary for the disbursement box for the secretariat of the armies in place of al-As‘ad Ibrahim the Christian.
On that day al-Malik al-Mansir issued a command to demolish the Moat Monastery (Dir al-khandagq)” outside of protected Cairo, just outside of the Conquests Gate, at the end of al-Husayniyya [Shrine], and it was a day to remember. Numbers gathered which could not be counted. The writer of The Secretary's Treasury (Ibn al-Mukarram] said during that day the headman Taj al-Din Tawba al-Tikriti the seller was appointed as inspector of inspectors in protected Syria.
We have previously mentioned that the Sultan delegated the ministry in Syria to him, and bestowed upon him the robe of ministry, and the right to have the title of “chief,” and God knows best which of them it was.
On Wednesday 25 Shawwal [February 28, 1280] al-Malik al-Manstr Nasr al-Din Muhammad son of Mahmid, ruler of Hamah arrived at the protected Hill Citadel. Al-Malik al-Mansur rode out to greet him, and domiciled him in the Views of the Ram. The Sultan was very concerned with him. The author of the book The Secretary’s Treasury said during that month a command was issued concerning the management and content of wine, open drinking and drunkenness. But there was opposition to it, so it did not last more than a few days before it was cancelled, praise to God. [159]
On Thursday 26 Shawwal [February 29, 1280] al-Malik al-Mansir issued orders to remove wines, and to efface their remains, and that no one would include them [as merchandise] or drink them openly.
On Friday 27 Shawwal [March 1, 1280] formal appointments were written for the judges of the four legal rites. It was established that the Chief Judge would be Sadr al-Din son of the Chief Judge Taj al-Din son of the daughter of al-A‘zz al-Shafi'l. He is the one who would appoint deputies throughout the lands, specifically. Then Chief Judge [...] al-Din al-Maliki, Chief Judge Mu‘izz al-Din al-Hanafi, and Chief Judge ‘Izz al-Din al-Hanbali as justices in Cairo and Old Cairo, specifically, without deputies through the lands.
At the end of Shawwal [March 4, 1280] al-Malik al-Mansir ordered the emir ‘Izz al-Din Aydimur al-Zahiri to be brought from Damascus under guard, so dispatched a number with him, and he was brought. When he arrived at the Hill Citadel, he was imprisoned in it. The crescent moon of Dhi al-Qa’da was seen the night of Tuesday [March 4, 1280].
On the day of Wednesday 2 Dhii al-Qa‘da [March 5, 1280] of this year the Sultan al-Malik al-Mansur rode to the square at al-Birji, and played ball (al-akirra), which was the first game in it. He dispersed decorated harnesses upon some 130 horses, and robes upon the emirs as religious robes.
On Friday 5 Dhii al-Qa‘da [March 8, 1280] al-Malik al-Mansur Sayf al-Din Qalawtn sent a formal appointment to al-Malik al-Mansitr Nasir al-Din Muhammad, the ruler of Hamah, in Hamah as usual. He sent to him the sultanic standards, as well as four caskets of gold and silver, four caskets with fabrics, from other types of goods, such as waved silk (‘uttabi), tiirizi, and Alexandrine (cloths). He also sent him noble horses, sending all this with a number of the senior members of his regime. The ruler of Hamah bestowed robes upon all of them, and then the Sultan allowed them to return to protected Hamah.
On Tuesday 9 Dhi al-Qa‘da [March 12, 1280] al-Malik al-Mansur, the ruler of Hamah, traveled while the Sultan provided him with a noble proclamation about Barin,*’ and its condominium. The Sultan rode out to see him off, and stayed that day in Bahtit, returning at the end of the day to his victorious Citadel. [160]
Mention of al-Malik al-Mas‘id son of al-Malik al-Zahir’s staying after the death of his brother al-Malik al-Sa‘id in Kerak, and what was agreed from him
When the deputy of Kerak, the emir ‘Ala’ al-Din al-Fakhri left Kerak, and went to the Egyptian homelands, al-Malik al-Sa‘id was established in the sultanate in Kerak. The emir ‘Ala’ al-Din Aydighudi al-Harrani al-Zahiri was assigned as the deputy in it, whereupon al-Malik al-Sa‘id rode to the square in Kerak to play ball. But he was thrown from his horse, suffered a head injury, and took fever after a few days. It is said that he had consumption. It is also said that he was poisoned. He died on 18 Dhiti al-Qa‘da of this year [March 21, 1280]. It said also on the 13th [March 16, 1280], and it is said on Thursday the 15th.
The news of his death in Kerak castle arrived to the Sultan al-Malik al-Manstr on 20 Dhit al-Qa‘da [March 23, 1280], and the Sultan prepared a great wake for him in the hall of the Hill Citadel. He sat wrapped in white, and the emirs, judges, learned, preachers and the whole world gathered—it was a day to remember!
The Sultan wrote to the lands and the castles that they should pray for him the prayer of the one who is absent, just as will be adduced in his biography. When al-Malik al-Sa‘td son of al-Malik al-Zahir died, his deputy the emir ‘Ala’ al-Din Aydighudi al-Harrani al-Zahiri and those with him in Kerak took counsel, and placed his brother Najm al-Din Khidr as king in his place, giving him the title of al-Malik al-Mas ‘tid.
Those mamluks around al-Malik al-Mas‘tid Najm al-Din Khidr allowed evil conduct, and dispersed the treasury money. They sought to use this [money] to bind people to them, and to add fiefs to his patrimony. Among them a group went to al-Salt and took over it, sending also to Sarkhand, and intending to take it over as well. However, they were unable to do so.
They then sought to corrupt people, and the Bedouin and al-Tama‘a*! got wind that they were giving money to those who would come to them. So a number of the Bedouin and others would come to them from all over the lands, and gather, attending to al-Malik al-Mas‘iid, vowing obedience to him, and being close to him with good advice. When he trusted them, and had spent wealth upon them, they got what they came for. Then they slipped away, departed, and returned to where they had come from, and so their numbers dispersed.
He and those with him did not stop spending wealth upon those who came to them until most of the treasures that were in Kerak, gathered there by al-Malik al-Zahir Rukn al-Din Baybars al-Bunduqdari al-Salihi al-Najmi, the father of al-Malik al-Sa‘td and al-Malik al-Mas ‘tid, were depleted. He had placed treasure in that fortress for catastrophic times, but they spent what brought them no benefit; indeed, it brought harm, and distracted people’s minds.
Then they corresponded with the emir Shams al-Din Sunqur al-ashqar, the deputy sultan in protected Damascus, about a mutual agreement. This reached al-Malik al-Mansir Sayf al-Din Qalawin the ruler of the Egyptian homelands, so he dispatched the emir ‘Izz al-Din Aybak al-afram to Kerak in order to terrify [them]. Then what happened between the emir [161] Shams al-Din Sunqur a/-ashgar and him what we will mention, if God Most High wishes.
On 20 Dhii al-Qa‘da [March 23, 1280] of this year the judge Shihab al-Din Ghazi Ibn al-Wasitt was appointed to the Chancellery Supervision in protected Aleppo, and 400 dirhams were allotted to him per month, together with six drinking-cups (makkiiks) of wheat, and two of barley. Jalal al-Din Ibn al-Khatir was appointed with him in charge of the chancellery adjudication in it, and the both of them received a letter concerning that. Al-Tawashi Iftikhar al-Din a/-raqiq (the slave) the retainer was appointed to the Treasury in protected Aleppo.
During this month, the emir Badr al-Din Baktit al-Qutuzi was appointed supervisor of the chancelleries in protected Aleppo and its districts. In it, al-Malik al-Manstir delegated the Chancelleries Inspectorate in Damascus to the headman (a/-sadr) Jamal al-Din Ibrahim Ibn Sasra. This was after the death of the inspector there, the judge ‘Alam al-Din Muhammad Ibn al-‘Adili.
Al-Malik al-Mansur also delegated the noble deputy sultanate in Hisn al-Akrad and the conquered regions with it to his mamluk, the emir Sayf al-Din Balaban al-Tabbakhi.
The crescent moon of Dhit al-Hijja was seen this year on the night of Wednesday.
On Saturday 4 Dhii al-Hijja [April 6, 1280] the emir ‘Imad al-Din Da’tid Ibn Abi al-Qasim was appointed to the governate of Nablus, and its districts, and igta’ fiefs were assigned to him and five mamluks.
On Tuesday 7 Dhii al-Hijja [April 9, 1280] the emir ‘Izz al-Din Aybak al-afram, and those with him from the victorious armies, traveled to Kerak, being dispatched, as we have mentioned the reason for that.
On Thursday 9 Dhiti al-Hijja [April 11, 1280] the emir Ghars al-Din Ibn Shawar was removed from prison, given a robe, and given a command to return to his governate in Ramla and Lydda.
On Saturday 18 Dhi al-Hijja [April 20, 1280] the emir Badr al-Din Bilik al-Aydimuri received protected Shawbak castle under terms of safe conduct. His letters concerning that command arrived on Thursday the 23rd [April 25, 1280]. The Sultan al-Malik al-Mansitr swore [for a safe conduct] to the emir Husam al-Din Lajin al-Khita’1, the head of the guard for the deputy in it, and the emir Jamal al-Din al-Hamami, the governor of the lands in it. Robes were sent to them, and the tidings sent out from the protected Hill Citadel. Letters about that were sent to the four corners, and we have already said what was said on other matters.
In it the judge Majd al-Din ‘Isa Ibn al-Khashshab was appointed to the noble market inspection (hisba) in protected Cairo [162] and he took up this office. In it, the Sultan al-Malik al-Mansir delegated the deputy sultanate in the Damascus Citadel to his mamluk the emir Husam al-Din Lajin a/-silahdar al-Mansirt, who was known as “Lajin the Lesser.” He arrived there, and inhabited it. This was on 20 Dhii al-Hijja [April 22, 1280]. The emir Shams al-Din Sunqur a/ashqar, the deputy sultan in protected Damascus, plotted against him, which was part of his rebellion against obeying the Sultan al-Malik al-Mansur, and his sultanate in Syria, just as we will mention, if God Most High wishes.
Mention of the sultanate of Shams al-Din Sunqur al - ashqar in Damascus Al-Malik al-Mansir Sayf al-Din Qalawiin al-Alf? al-Salihi al-Najmi, during the period in which he was army commander, during the sultanate of al-Malik al--Adil Badr al-Din Salamish, sent the emir Shams al-Din Sunqur a/-ashqar
to Syria as the noble deputy sultan in protected Damascus. This was in place of the emir Jamal al-Din Aqush al-Shamst, and he transferred the emir Jamal al-Din Aqush al-Shamsi from Damascus to the deputy sultanate in the Aleppan realm.
When al-Malik al- Adil Badr al-Din Salamish was removed, and al-Malik al-Mansur Sayf al-Din Qalawin reigned, and was alone as Sultan, just as we previously explained, it occurred to the emir Shams al-Din Sunqur al/-ashqar to attempt to take the sultanate in Syria, so that the matter would be like it was at the end of the Ayyubid dynasty. So he began to prepare matters for himself.
When al-Malik al-Mansir sent his mamluk the emir Husam al-Din Lajin to Damascus Citadel, he arrived there, and inhabited it, but Shams al-Din Sunqur plotted against him, just as we have previously explained. He gathered those emirs who were with him in Damascus, and made out to them that reports had come to him that al-Malik al-Mansur Sayf al-Din Qalawin had been killed, while he was drinking wine, and called them to obey him, asking them to swear an oath to him.
They assented, and swore to him, so he took the title of al-Malik al-Kamil, and rode with the sultanic insignia and the pomp of kingliness in Damascus. That was on 24 Dhi al-Hijja of the year [6]78 [April 26, 1280]. At the same time he detained the emir Rukn al-Din Baybars al-’Ajamt a/-jaliq al-Salihi because of his refusal to swear the oath, and detained the emir Husam al-Din Lajin, deputy of Damascus Citadel, as well, who had been sent by al-Malik al-Mansir, and upon the chief Taqi al-Din Tawba al-Tikriti. He sent forth the emir Sayf al-Din Balaban al-Jayshi to the rest of the Syrian realms, castles and other places to take the oaths of the deputies who were in them. He would then appoint in them who he wanted.
He tasked the headman Majd al-Din Abii al-Fida’ Ismail son of Kusayrat al-Mawsill with being the minister, and made the headman ‘Izz al-Din Ahmad son of Muyasar al-Misri the minister of interrelationships (wazir al-suhba). He transferred his family from the House of Felicity in which the deputy sultans reside in Damascus, to its Citadel. At the time when his family was being transferred he ordered the Victory Gate to be locked, but to open the secret gate of the Citadel opposite [163] the House of Felicity, close to the Victory Gate, so they did that.
The people were all over the place with things, saying, “He closed the Victory Gate, moved from the House of Felicity, is dwelling in the Citadel, and appointed Ibn Kusayrat as minister! This won’t be the end of it all!” It was like that, just as we will record, if God Most High wishes.
The blessed Nile overflowed” on Sunday 3 Rabi’ al-Akhir [6]78 [August 13, 1279] of this year 16 cubits, and on 20 Rabi’ al-Akhir [August 30, 1279]
it was Nawruz, which is the first day of Tut, the first month of the Coptic calendar. The emir Jamal al-Din Aqush al-Bakhili led the Egyptian caravan for the pilgrimage with the sultanic mahmal. The blessed mahmal departed for the noble Hijaz on Tuesday 17 Shawwal [February 20, 1280] and the caravan’s judge was judge Fakhr al-Din ‘Uthman son of the daughter of Abt Sa‘d, and God knows best.
[Obituaries]
Mention of the events during the year 679 [1280]
On Thursday, the first day of God’s month, Muharrram [May 3, 1280], of this year, al-Malik al-Kamil Shams al-Din Sunqur a/-ashqar rode with the sultanic insignia and the kingly pomp, entering the Green Square in protected Damascus, while the emirs, and commanders walked before him with robes on foot. He paraded through the square, then turned back and returned to the Citadel.* On Friday 2 Muharram [May 4, 1280] al-Malik al-Kamil Shams al-Din Sunqur al-ashqar delivered the sermon in the protected Damascus mosque.
Mention of the Egyptian and Syrian armies’ meeting in battle, those emirs taken prisoner, during the first time
Just as previously, al-Malik al-Mansur Sayf al-Din Qalawin, the ruler of the Egyptian homelands, when it reached him about the attempts of al-Malik al-Mas‘id Khidr son of al-Malik al-Zahir, ruler of Kerak, to corrupt the people, and gather armies, he dispatched the emir ‘Izz al-Din al-afram to Kerak in order to terrify him.
When it reached al-Malik al-Kamil Shams al-Din Sunqur al-ashgar, ruler of Damascus, that he had departed from the Egyptian homelands leading a detachment of its armies, he thought that he was the target, so wrote to him to forbid him from advancing. He said:
I have pacified Syria, conquered the castles, and served the Sultan, so the agreement between us was that I would be the ruler over what is between the Euphrates [River] and al--Arish. He deputized Aqutsh al-Shamst in Aleppo, ‘Ala’ al-Din al-Kabaki in Safed, and Sayf al-Din Balaban alTabbakhi in Hisn al-Akrad. Now at last he has sent someone against me to take it [168] all from me!
Sunqur al-ashgar dispatched an army from the Damascene armies to follow his letter, so when the letter arrived to the emir ‘Izz al-Din al-afram, he wrote an appraisal to al-Malik al-Mansiir, the ruler of Egypt, and forwarded the letter which Sunqur al-ashqar sent. When the appraisal arrived to al-Malik al-Mansiir he wrote to al-Malik al-Kamil Shams al-Din Sunqur a/-ashqar, and the emirs of his coterie (khushdashiyya) also wrote to him, deploring his actions, and urging him to return to obedience.
The letters were sent with the emir Sayf al-Din Balaban al-Karimi al-’ Ala’, who was part of his coterie, so he arrived in Damascus on 8 Muharram [May 10, 1280]. Al-Malik al-Kamil Sunqur a/-ashqar went out to him, and met him, putting him up in the Damascus Citadel, and treating him well. However, he did not incline to what the latter said, nor did he return to what his close comrade indicated. This was what was going on with that.
As for what was happening with the emir ‘Izz al-Din a/-afram, when the letter of al-Malik al-Kamil Shams al-Din Sunqur al-ashgar arrived to him, and he sent its appraisal to al-Malik al-Mansur just as we explained, he returned to Gaza. The emir Badr al-Din al-Aydimuri returned from Shawbak then, after he had taken it, and assigned a deputy in it, just as we previously explained. The two of them mustered forces at Gaza.
The army that al-Malik al-Kamil Shams al-Din Sunqur a/-ashqar had sent to Gaza arrived, and at its arrival, the Egyptian army was driven back into the sand dunes. The Syrians camped, while their commander was the emir Shams al-Din Qarasunqur al-Mu‘izzi. When they camped at Gaza, for an hour of the day they were unwary, in spite of their small numbers, so the Egyptian army returned, and took them by surprise, overcoming them, and defeating them completely. So they returned defeated to Ramla.
Among the notables of their emirs who were taken captive were the emir Badr al-Din Kunjak al-K hwarizmi, Baha’ al-Din Yamak al-Nasiri, Nasir al-Din Bashqird al-Nasiri, Badr al-Din Biltk al-Halabt, “Alam al-Din Sanjar al-Tikritt, Sanjar al-Badri, and Sabiq al-Din Sulayman, lord of Sahyiin. They plundered their wealth, horses and their heavy armor. The post-courier arrived with the letters of the emir Badr al-Din al-Aydimuri at the hand of the son of the emir Badr al-Din Baktash al-Fakhri on Thursday 15 Muharram [May 17, 1280].
The Sultan al-Malik al-Mansur bestowed robes upon Baktash’s son and upon the post-courier. The captive emirs arrived at the sultanic gates at the Hill Citadel, whereupon the Sultan had clemency upon them, and treated them well, without confiscating from them, then set them free, bestowed robes upon them, and renewed their formal proclamations, and returned them to the victorious army. They stayed among the victorious Egyptian armies in the service of [169] the Manstriyya [regiment] just as we will mention, if God Most High wishes.
On Wednesday 14 Muharram [May 16, 1280] Shams al-Din Sunqur al-Ghutami known as al-ashqar, the majordomo for the emir ‘Alam al-Din al-Ghutami, presented himself, and requested from the emir ‘Ala’ al-Din Kundaghdi al-Jaysht compensation for one of his igtd’ fiefs. However, the emir ‘Ala’ al-Din al-Jayshi refused him, and spoke to him treating him rudely. Then Sunqur al-Ghutami stabbed him in the belly with a knife, and struck ‘Izz al-Din al-Ghazzi al-naqib as well. As for al-Ghazzi, he intercepted the strike with his hand, so he was wounded, but survived. As for al-Jaysh1 however, his belly was torn open, and, even though one who stitched him up was brought, he died on the morning of Monday. The Sultan al-Malik al-Mansitr commanded that Sunqur al-Ghutami be nailed up (summira). Therefore, he was on Thursday, at the Zuwayla Gate, and he died on Saturday.
Mention of the dispatch of the Egyptian armies to Damascus and al-Malik al-Kamil, ruler of Damascus, waging war against them, his defeat at Damascus and the entrance of the Egyptian army into it
When the news of the Damascene army’s defeat reached its lord, al-Malik al-Kamil Shams al-Din Sunqur a/-ashgar, he was worried, and mustered his armies, writing to the emirs in Gaza loyal to al-Malik al-Mansur, attempting to make promises to them and suborn them. He offered each of them a castle. The emir Shihab al-Din Ahmad Ibn Hijji, king of the Bedouin in the southlands, came to al-Malik al-Kamil, together with the emir Sharaf al-Din ‘Isa b. Muhanna, king of the Bedouin in the eastlands and northlands.
There was also aid from Aleppo and Hamah, together with many men from the Ba‘ lbak Mountains. Al-Malik al-Kamil took all the best into his service, paying them money, and gathering a large number. Then reports came to Damascus that al-Malik al-Mansir had prepared an army from Egypt, and that they were coming to Damascus. Alarming news multiplied then.
What was happening on the part of al-Malik al-Mansir, ruler of Egypt, was that he had dispatched the emir “Alam al-Din Sanjar al-Halabt, from the Egyptian homelands, together with the emir Badr al-Din Baktash al-Fakhri, the amir silah of the armies, with their hangers-on.
It was said that the victorious armies departed to protected Syria accompanied by the emir Badr al-Din Baktash al-Fakhri, the amir silah, and Husim al-Din Aytamish son of Atlas Khan. They had 4000 horsemen, and with them the emir Fakhr al-Din Sanjar al-Bashqirdi. They joined with the two emirs ‘Izz al-Din al-afram and Badr al-Din al-Aydimuri, and those [troops] with them, and went forward. Their overall commander was the emir “Alam al-Din Sanjar [170] al-Halabt.
When the report of Egyptian armies’ muster at Gaza and their departure from it towards Damascus arrived at al-Malik al-Kamil’s army which was at Ramla, it drew back somewhat. As the Egyptian army advanced, the Syrian army would withdraw in front of it, because of their inferior numbers, until the first part of it reached Damascus.
When it was Wednesday 14 Safar [June 15, 1280] of that year al-Malik al-Kamil Shams al-Din Sunqur al-ashgar, the ruler of Damascus, departed from Damascus himself, leading all of the armies he had, and he pitched his vestibule at al-Jasiira, and camped there.
The Egyptian army arrived at al-Kaswa, and the vanguards were assigned, then advanced, and the two armies met [in battle] at al-Jastira on the 15th. It was said on Monday the 17th [June 18, 1280]. It was said on Wednesday the 19th [June 20, 1280] at daybreak. They fought fiercely, and al-Malik al-Kamil held firm, fighting fiercely. The (battle) lines continued until the 4th [hour] of the day, but few of the two sides were killed. Most of the Damascene army stayed with al-Malik al-Kamil, but there were some which joined the army of Egypt, and there were those who retreated.
As for the armies of Hamah and of Aleppo when battle was joined, they retreated, and returned to their lands. The rest of the army of Syria gave up, and most of the emirs of the Syrian army them presented themselves to the Egyptian army. Then the emir ‘Alam al-Din al-Halabi charged directly at al-Malik al-Kamil Shams al-Din Sunqur a/-ashgar, whereupon he retreated immediately, accompanied by his close emirs: the emir ‘Izz al-Din Izdimur al-hajj, the emir ‘Aa’ al-Din al-Kabaki, the emir Shams al-Din Qarasunqur al-Mu‘izzi, and the emir Sayf al-Din Balaban al-Jayshi.
Sunqur al-ashqar on the evening of Friday 14 Safar [June 15, 1280] had sent his children, his wives, and his belongings to Sahyitin, so when he retreated, he took the al-Qati’a road, together with the emir ‘Isa b. Muhanna, the emir of the Bedouin, who was loyal to his service. They passed together next to some of his tents, so they stayed the night, with those who were with him, in the al-Rahba Waste. He hosted them and their mounts for the duration of their stay, then went with him towards al-Rahba. What happened we will mention, if God Most High wishes.
This was what happened to al-Malik al-Kamil Shams al-Din Sunqur al-ashgar and those who accompanied him, who were defeated. As for the rest of the army of Syria, there were those who entered the gardens of Damascus, and concealed themselves there, those who entered the settled areas of Damascus, those who went on the Ba ‘lbak road. A great many arrived in al-Nasab, one of the districts of Hims. Among them were those who took the al-Makhraj road, ‘Adhra, and the Great Path passing al-Qati a.
When [171] Sunqur a/-ashqar was defeated, the city gates of Damascus were locked [by the Damascenes], fearing that the Egyptian army would plunder them, and the Citadel was fortified as well. The Egyptian army went immediately to Damascus, and surrounded it, settling in the camp. However, they did not try to rush the city, and the emir ‘Alam al-Din al-Halabti stayed at the al-Ablaq Palace in the Green Square, and the army spent the night around him until the second day.
Then he proclaimed a safe conduct around Damascus, whereupon the emir Sayf al-Din al-jiikandar (batman), the deputy in Citadel on behalf of Shams al-Din Sunqur al-ashqar came to the emir Rukn al-Din Baybars al--Ajami al-jaliq and the emir Husam al-Din Lajin al-Mansiiri, who had been the deputy of Damascus Citadel, and the chief Taqt al-Din Tawba. This was while they were still imprisoned in the Citadel. He had them swear that they would not harm him when he took them out, nor would they harm any of those who were serving in the Citadel. So they swore, and then he took them out of imprisonment. They ordered the Citadel gate to be opened, and that the people be safe.
Then the emir Husam al-Din Lajin opened the Gate of Deliverance, stood at it, and forbade the Egyptian army from entering, fearing that they would run amok. Then making “people’s hearts feel good” was proclaimed. He commanded the city to be decorated, and for the tidings to be sounded. So Damascus was decorated, and the tidings were sounded in the Citadel. Most of the emirs returned to Damascus, and requested safe conduct from the emir “Alam al-Din al-Halabi, which he granted, whereupon they entered at different days. Then the emir Shihab al-Din Ahmad Ibn Hijji, king of the Bedouin, presented himself in Damascus under a safe conduct.
The emir ‘Alam al-Din Sanjar al-Halabi wrote to the Sultan al-Malik al-Mansir Sayf al-Din Qalawin telling him of the victory, and sent the emirs he had detained because of the fact that they had been loyal to Shams al-Din Sunqur al-ashqar to Egypt. He sent the emir Nasir al-Din Muhammad son of the emir Badr al-Din Baktash al-Fakhri, the amir silah, with the glad tidings to al-Malik al-Mansir, who was gracious to him, and gave him the command of 10 [mamluks], and treated the emirs who al-Halabti had sent well, not punishing them at all. Then there happened what we will mention, if God Most High wishes it.
The deputy sultanate in protected Damascus was affirmed for the emir Badr al-Din Baktit al--Ala’l by the commanding emirs going to Damascus, and the chief Taqi al-Din Tawba continued in his same office prior to his detention. The emir ‘Alam al-Din Sanjar al-Bashqirdi was appointed to the deputy sultanate in the Aleppan realms.
In Safar [June] on 25 Abib the depth of the blessed Nile was taken, and it was 5 cubits and 20 fingers. [172]
Mention of Shams al-Din Sunqur al-ashqar’s heading towards Sahyin, and his fortifying it
Shams al-Din Sunqur a/-ashgar, when he took over Syria, wrote to the deputies of the castles. Among them, there were those who obeyed him, while among them there were those who did not. Among those who obeyed him were the deputies of Sahyiin, Burziyya, Balatinus, al-Shughr, Bakas, Shayzar, ‘Akkar,*> and Hims, so when he was defeated, Sunqur al-ashgar went in the direction of al-Rahba, when the emir ‘Alam al-Din al-Halabi took over Damascus, just as we have previously explained. He [Halabi] then sent a large section of the army, approximately 3000 horse, sending them accompanied by the emir Husam al-Din Aytimish son of Atlas Khan, and a number of the emirs, in pursuit of Shams al-Din Sunqur a/-ashqar and those with him. They departed from Damascus on Monday 24 Safar [June 25, 1280] of this year.
During the beginning of Rabi’ al-Awwal [July 1, 1280] of this year a section of the Egyptian army departed from Damascus, whose commander was the emir ‘Izz al-Din al-afram, which joined together with those in pursuit of Sunqur al-ashqar, so they caught up with them in Hims and they all went together. This was what was happening with the emirs.
As for what was happening with Sunqur a/-ashqar, when he retreated from Damascus, as noted, staying with the emir Sharaf al-Din ‘Isa Ibn Muhanna for a time, then he headed towards al-Rahba, where Shams al-Din Sunqur al-ashqar parted from most of those who were with him. The emir Muwaffaq al-Din Khidr al-Rahbi, the deputy for Rahba castle, prevented it from being handed over to him. At that point, Shams al-Din Sunqur corresponded with the king Abagha son of Hulegit, the king of the Tatars, informing him of the dissension that had occurred between the Islamic armies.
He encouraged him to target the lands with his armies, and promised him that he would join up with him, aiding and supporting him in this endeavor. The emir Sharaf al-Din ‘Isa b. Muhanna wrote to him in the same vein, so what will happen we will mention if God Most High wishes it.
When Shams al-Din Sunqur al-ashgar received the report of the armies that had departed in pursuit of him, he separated from the emir Sharaf al-Din ‘Isa b. Muhanna. He (Sunqur) headed into the waste towards Sahyiin and the fortresses mentioned. He was leading those who were with him, as they were in the hands of his deputies, so he took refuge in them, at the end of Rabr al-Awwal [July 30, 1280]. It was said that he did not separate from ‘Isa b. Muhanna, but when the report of the armies reached the both of them, they both made haste to flee to Sahytin, and that was in Jumada al-U1a [September 1280] of this year.
On the day of the battle the emir ‘Izz al-Din a/-hajj Izdimur, and those with him from Aleppo, retreated to Mt. Hurdafin.** They stayed with them (the occupants of the castle) for this period, and taking refuge with them. When it reached him that Sunqur a/-ashqar had arrived at those castles with his number, and that he was in Sahytn castle, [173] he and those Aleppans with him arrives there, so he sent them to Shayzar castle, and he stayed there. It was said that the emir ‘Izz al-Din Aybak Kurji was in it on behalf of Shams al-Din Sunqur al-ashqar. This was happening about the emirs.
As for the Egyptian army, when it reached them that Shams al-Din Sunqur al-ashqar and his supporters had entered the castles and taken refuge in them, they camped up against Shayzar, tightening around it, but not besieging it, and what happened there we will mention, if God Most High wishes it.
In [...]*? and Shams al-Din Sunqur a/-ashgar when he had made himself sultan in Damascus had solicited the legal opinion of the Chief Judge Shams al-Din Ahmad Ibn Khallikan, the judge of Damascus, as to the legality of fighting al-Malik al-Mansir, so he had rendered a legal opinion (fatwa) permitting it. So he had appointed him to the position of instructor at the Aminiyya [College] in Damascus in place of the judge Najm al-Din Ibn Sana al-Dawla at the end of Muharram [June 1, 1280] of that year. He took up the duties of instruction in it on 29 Muharram [May 31, 1280], when the judge Najm al-Din Ibn Sana al-Dawla was at that time in Aleppo.
When the Egyptian army arrived in Damascus and the fighting occurred between the army of Egypt, and the army of Syria, Shams al-Din Sunqur al-ashqar retreated, while the Egyptian army entered into Damascus. The emir ‘Alam al-Din Sanjar al-Halab? stayed at the al-Ablaq Palace on the Green Square, just as we previously explained.
The emir ‘Alam al-Din Sanjar al-Halabi was the one consulted with regard to appointing and removal, to granting and refusing, and when the emir Badr al-Din Baktit al-’ Ala’I was renewed in the deputy sultanate in Damascus, just as previously explained, during his deputyship, he maintained cordial relations with the emir ‘Alam al-Din al-Halabt.
The emir ‘Alam al-Din commanded a guard to be placed around the chief Majd al-Din Ismail Ibn Kusayrat, the minister for Shams al-Din Sunqur al-ashgar, and Jamal al-Din Ibn Sasra, Chancelleries Inspector in Damascus, and taking anything they wrote in its totality, then he imprisoned the both of them. Zayn al-Din, the trustee (waki/) of the Islamic Treasury (bayt al-mdl) and Muhyi al-Din Ibn al-Nahhas were both beaten, and anything they wrote was taken in its totality, then he imprisoned the both of them.
The Chief Judge ‘Izz al-Din Ibn al-Sa’igh interceded with regard to Zayn al-Din, trustee of the Treasury, so he was set free, and issued a written command concerning Chief Judge Shams al-Din Ahmad Ibn Khallikan and a number of the other Sufi leaders. Then the Sultan al-Malik al-Mansur learned that Chief Judge Shams al-Din Ahmad Ibn Khallikan gave a religious opinion to Shams al-Din Sunqur al-ashgar permitting fighting him, so he issued an order to hang him.
When al-Malik al-Mansiir’s letter of a general safe conduct for the people of Damascus arrived, it was read in the presence of Chief Judge Shams al-Din Ibn Khallikan. The emir ‘Alam al-Din al-Halabi then said “This letter is a safe conduct for those who hear it; since the judge Shams al-Din has heard it, he is therefore safe from [174] being killed.”
Then he removed him on 21 Safar [July 21, 1280] and gave the judiciary to the Chief Judge ‘Izz al-Din Ibn al-Sa’igh, but he refused, so he delegated it to the Chief Judge Najm al-Din son of the Chief Judge Sadr al-Din son of Sana al-Dawla.
On 24 Safar [July 24, 1280] the emir ‘Alam al-Din imprisoned the Chief Judge Shams al-Din Ibn Khallikan in the Najibiyya Hospice (Ahdanqah), and the emir “Alam al-Din al-Halabi wrote an appraisal to the Sultan al-Malik al-Mansur of all the matters that had occurred. Answers returned from al-Malik al-Mansur, so the emir ‘Alam al-Din al-Halabi sat in his vestibule on the Green Square, while the emirs and notables were gathered, and the Sultan’s letter was read to them.
In it there was a general clemency for the people. The Chief Judge Najm al-Din Ibn Sana al-Dawla attended this session, as well as Chief Judge Shams al-Din Ahmad Ibn Khallikan, the Shaykh Shams al-Din al-Hanbali, the preacher Ibn al-Harastani. So the emir ‘Alam al-Din freed the Chief Judge Shams al-Din Ibn Khallikan on 9 Rab? al-Awwal [July 9, 1280] of this year, and he was returned to his dwelling at al- Adiliyya College.
The Chief Judge Najm al-Din Ibn Sana al-Dawla requested from the Chief Judge Shams al-Din Ibn Khallikan that he vacate the dwelling at al- Adiliyya so that he himself could live in it. This was burdensome for him. But then the emir ‘Alam al-Din al-Halabi ordered the Chief Judge Shams al-Din Ibn Khallikin to move from al- Adiliyya and to hand it over to Ibn Sana al-Dawla, and Ibn Sana al-Dawla renewed this demand. He had already sent to Aleppo to bring his family, and their arrival was confirmed on Wednesday 19 Rabi al-Awwal [July 19, 1280].
He went out to meet them, and a formal order was issued so that the Chief Judge Ibn Khallikan would move from al-’Adiliyya College. This was difficult for him, and he remained depressed because of this. Ibn Sana al-Dawla was asked to grant a respite to Ibn Khallikan for some days until he could move to some other place, but he refused. He became more determined, but pressure was put upon him, and the Chief Judge Ibn Khallikan was under threat of breaking a formal order until the 4" hour of the day.
He collected his books, loaded up his garments for moving, and summoned porters to transport his garments to Mt. Salihiyya. While he was in the process of moving some of it, and engrossed in moving the rest, suddenly a troop of the guard (janddariyya) riding appeared, to summon him on behalf of the emir ‘Alam al-Din al-Halabi. He thought it was because the place was empty, so he showed them that he was engrossed in moving, but they said to him “You are not sought because of that. A post-courier has appeared from the Sultan’s gate, so you are being sought because of that.”
He thought then that this would be worse than the move, so he turned towards the deputy sultan. The Sultan al-Malik [175] al-Mansir’s letter had suddenly come to the emir ‘Alam al-Din al-Halabi, when he had rejected the appointment of Ibn Sana al-Dawla to the judiciary, as he was deaf. He said
We have granted clemency to both great and small, so it is not appropriate that we should single one person out with disfavor and without concealing what is connected to the rights of the judge Shams al-Din Ibn Khallikan, his association and service of old, as he is among the few remaining from the period of al-Salih [Najm the Ayyubid]. We have therefore issued a written order to return him to the judicial position in which he was.
The emir ‘Alam al-Din al-Halabi bestowed a robe upon him, and he rode immediately, greeted the emirs, and then returned to the ‘Adiliyya College as a judge, dismounted at the time of afternoon prayers, and took up the cases, settling in the ‘Adiliyya. This was counted as one of the occurrences of release after hardship (al-faraj ba‘d al-shidda).** It was said that Ibn Sana al-Dawla gave the emir al-Halabi 1000 dinars for his appointment.
The Chief Judge Najm al-Din Ibn Sana al-Dawla had asked the judge Najm al-Din al-s-a-?-I to serve as a deputy for him in judgments in place of the judge Jamal al-Din Ibn ‘Abd al-Kafi. His taking up of affairs lasted for 20 days, then Ibn ‘Abd al-Kafi1 was returned by the return of the Chief Judge Shams al-Din Ibn Khallikan.
It was said that the return of Shams al-Din Ibn Khallikan happened on 25 Rab? al-Awwal [July 25, 1280] and that when the Chief Judge Shams al-Din Ibn Khallikan was reestablished in the judiciary, he wrote a letter to the Sultan al-Malik al-Mansur praying for him, and apologizing. The answer came with thanks, acceptance and apologies, but God knows best.
Mention of the delegation of the deputy sultanate in Damascus to the emir Husam al-Din Lajin “the Lesser” al-Mansiri, the Chancelleries Supervisor to the emir Badr al-Din Baktit al-* Ala’, and the ministry to the chief Taqi al-Din Tawba al-Tikriti
We have already mentioned that al-Malik al-Mansir Sayf al-Din Qalawiin, ruler of protected Egypt, set the emir Husam al-Din Lajin “the Lesser,” his mamluk, as deputy in the protected Damascus Citadel. He also made the chief Taqi al-Din Tawba al-Tikriti the minister in Damascus, so when Shams al-Din Sunqur al-ashqar set himself up as sultan in Damascus he detained the both of them, and imprisoned them.
When he was crushed and defeated, the deputy of Damascus Citadel freed them, and the emir ‘Alam al-Din al-Halabi reestablished the chief Taqi al-Din Tawba, and set the emir Badr al-Din Baktit al--Ala’l to be the new deputy sultan in Damascus until the Sultan al-Malik al-Mansir’s formal proclamation would come from Egypt.
When it was the day of 11 Rabr al-Awwal [July 11, 1280] of this year there arrived in Damascus [176] seven individuals from the post-courier horsemen from the Mansi sultanic gate. With them was an investiture for the emir Husam al-Din Lajin “the Lesser” al-Mansiri for the deputy sultanate in protected Damascus, an investiture for the emir Badr al-Din Baktut al--Ala’l as Chancelleries Supervisor, and an investiture for the chief Taqi al-Din Tawba al-Tikriti as minister for Syria. For each of them there was an honorary gift, plus an honorary gift for the ruler of Hamah.
When it was the 12th [July 12] the rest of the emirs gathered together in the Green Square, while the emir Husam al-Din Lajin donned the ennoblement of deputyship, and the emir Badr al-Din Baktit the ennoblement of the supervisor. The emir ‘Alam al-Din al-Halabi, the emir ‘Izz al-Din al-afram, the emir Badr al-Din Bilik al-Aydimuri, and the rest of the emirs, the Egyptian and Syrian armies rode, and they all went to the formal session (khidma) of the emir Husam al-Din.
When they reached the Citadel Gate, they all walked on foot, and kissed the emir Husam al-Din at the stair leading to the Secret Gate three times. Then the two emirs ‘Alam al-Din al-Halabi and ‘Izz al-Din al-afram advanced to support him, so that he could ride, while they walked in his formal procession to the House of Felicity.
He behaved well towards the both of them, refusing to ride, continuing walking, while the emir ‘Alam al-Din al-Halabi was on his right, and the emir ‘Izz al-Din al-afram was on his left, while the rest of the emirs and the armies were before him, as were the judges, notables and senior leaders. He continued walking until he entered the House of Felicity, and sat on the rank of deputy, while his investiture was being read.
It is said that his investiture was read on Wednesday the 11th [July 11, 1280]. The emir Lajin at that time was a youth, good, very religious, noble, and brave, loving the learned and righteous, and treating the populace with justice and fairness, having humility with great sanctity and penetrating words.
On Thursday 12 Rabi’ al-Awwal after the noon prayers, he bestowed a robe upon the chief Taqi al-Din Tawba al-Tikriti, and he was given the pens of the ministry in protected Damascus, continuing on (as before).
In the month of Rabr al-Awwal [July] a letter from ‘Alam al-Din Sanjar al-Halabi arrived at the sultanic gates in the Hill Citadel interceding for the emir ‘Ala’ al-Din ‘Alt son of Husam al-Din k-r-?-k [=Lajin] son of Berke Khan, so the Sultan al-Malik al-Mansur freed him. [177]
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