Download PDF | Everyday Life In Byzantium, By Tamara Talbot, Batsford ( 1967)
244 Pages
CONSTANTINOPLE, JEWEL OF BYZANTIUM
The Byzantine or East Roman Empire lasted for over a thousand years—from AD 330 to 1453. During this period it often ranked as the foremost power of its day and it played a most important part in shaping European culture. Byzantium was the first of the great nations to accept Christianity as its official religion, and the first to set out both to live, and to govern others, in accordance with Christian teaching.
Thus, even though the Byzantines often acted with cruelty, harshness and meanness in both their private and their public affairs, Christian principles nevertheless remained all-important to them, and the respect with which they regarded the virtues on which Christianity was based was handed down from generation to generation to form the framework of Europe’s essentially Christian civilisation. But for Byzantium our own way of life would have developed along very different lines from those which it has followed. This is especially the case with regard to the Orthodox countries—Russia, Greece, Bulgaria and Yugoslavia— all of which have followed the same branch of the Christian Church as that of the Byzantines, and which, from an early date, developed independently of Rome.
Great changes always seem to occur suddenly, and this must have appeared especially true to many of those who witnessed the establishment of Christianity in the Roman Empire. It may have been as early as the year AD 323, and probably before the year 325, when Constantine I (the ‘Great’)(/) convened the First Council of Nicaea, that Roman citizens learnt that Christianity was to contend with paganism as their official religion, because their caesar, Constantine (306-37), had seen a vision which had convinced him that the change had become necessary. The event is believed to have taken place one October night in the year 311 when Constantine had encamped with his army outside the walls of Rome intending to engage Maxentius in battle on the following day.
He saw—and some accounts state that his men also saw—a symbol in the sky and heard a voice telling him that his men were to paint it on their shields before engaging in battle. Constantine appears to have doubted whether he had really seen the symbol, but, according to Eusebius, shortly afterwards Christ appeared before him telling him to paint the device on the personal pennant he was to use when leading his army into battle. In his vision Constantine had seen the sun, Apollo’s symbol, which had also been adopted as such by Rome’s caesars, and which was thus, by right, Constantine’s emblem. Silhouetted against its rays was an immense standard lavishly decorated with gold and intersected near the top by a cross-piece, from which flowed two purple streamers shot with gold and studded with jewels.
It was surmounted by a coronet of gold containing a gold cross, the arms of which formed the Greek letters Chi Rho, the initial letters of Christ’s name with, according to some accounts, the words hoc vinces also appearing. The purple streamers, like the rays of the sun, indicated that Constantine was involved because purple garments—the most expensive and rarest of all materials, since the dye could be obtained only from the relatively scarce murex shell— had, by order of Diocletian, been reserved for the exclusive use of the ruling family.
The meaning of what he had seen could not be doubted: it clearly indicated that Byzantium was to become a Christian state with Constantine ruling it as God’s representative. Constantine lost no time in carrying out the dictates of his vision. His troops defeated Maxentius and Constantine gave orders that the Eagles, which had been used by the Roman legionaries as their standards, should be replaced by the emblem of his vision; at the same time he put an end to the Roman practice of using the cross as an instrument of torture: henceforth it should be regarded as the symbol of Christianity.
Eusebius states that he actually saw the pennant bearing the new design which Constantine had used when fighting Maxentius. Though Constantine continued to use it as his labarum, that is to say, as his standard, he nevertheless remained a pagan, worshipping the sun till he lay dying, and only then did he ask to be received into the Church. Yet Constantinople, the city which he made his capital, was from the start dedicated to the Trinity and the Virgin; when, in the fifth century, Eudoxia sent the empress Pulcheria the icon which St Luke had painted of the Virgin Hodighitria(3), or Pointer of the Way, the panel came to be regarded as the capital’s protective genius.
In reality changes as drastic as the rejection of one faith in favour of another are seldom introduced as the result of one man’s personal experience; they tend to grow out of a changing outlook and attitude to life developed by thoughtful people during periods of trouble and unrest. Ever since the start of the Christian era A / et Rome had gone through just : such a period. As a result, on | 4 Pea! the one hand, of the Jewish be- 4% _ oe lief in one god and, on the 3 Icon of the Virgin Hodighitria other, of the popularity of mystic faiths of eastern origins, many Romans had started to question the validity of their old pagan faith, based as it was on the irrational behaviour of a multitude of gods, many of whom suffered from the worst human foibles.
Rome’s increasing economic and political difficulties also helped to aggravate such doubts. Furthermore, with its vast population of slaves, whose work enriched their owners without greatly benefiting the state; with its enormous territories stretching from Northumberland in Britain, across Gaul and Spain, to North Africa and from there spreading across the whole of Italy, Greece, Turkey, Syria and Egypt; and with the immense diversity of nationalities that this implies, the Roman Empire had become too large to be manageable. Its ruling classes were too self-indulgent to be efficient, its administrators had become indolent, its intellectuals increasingly critical of the government, while Rome itself was torn by dissensions. Caesars had replaced caesars, but to no avail.
The device of cotulers was introduced in an attempt to stop the rot. Diocletian (284-305) came to believe that matters would improve if regional centres of government were formed to take the place of the administration centred in Rome. He therefore moved his court to Nicomedia, in what is now Asiatic Turkey, and set himself up there as ruler of Rome’s eastern territories, surrounding himself with all the pomp and ceremony of an eastern, or rather a Persian, potentate. At the same time he appointed three co-rulers, assigning one, Maximian, to reign over Italy and Africa from Milan, another, Constantius, to rule over Gaul, Britain and Spain from Trier Gn modern Germany), and lastly, Galerius, to govern Illyria (present-day Dalmatia and Transylvania), Macedonia and Greece from Salonica. However, these measures failed to improve the situation.
Instead, this principle of co-rulership introduced the idea of division to peoples who had prided themselves on being part of a single entity. Despondency, corruption and indolence continued to prevail in Rome and, when civil war broke out, Diocletian turned his back on his difficulties and retired to live his own life in the magnificent palace he had built for himself on the shores of the Adriatic, in what is now Split. Fourteen hundred | years later the great British eighteenth-century architect Robert Adam was to examine its ruins with wondering admiration and to adapt many of their features to the taste of his own times. Constantius, ruler of Gaul, Britain and Spain, had been obliged by Diocletian to divorce his wife Helena—daughter, according to tradition, of the English King Cole of Colchester, and mother of his son and heir Constantine. In her loneliness Helena seems to have turned to the intellectuals of her day and to have pursued a course of religious and philosophical studies. She may even have become converted to Christianity at this early date, though there is no proof of this.
On Constantius’ death Constantine succeeded him as ruler of the western provinces. Helena must have remained in close touch with Constantine after her divorce and may well have been chiefly responsible for winning him over to Christianity. In 324 when, as a result of his own efforts, Constantine became sole ruler of the vast Roman Empire, he published an edict designed to protect Christians from persecution. Twelve months later, by convoking a Council of churchmen at Nicaea, he made the practice of Christianity legal within the Empire. The step was not only wise but virtually inevitable, for by then two-fifths of the Empire’s population was probably Christian, seeing in Christianity the sole hope of relief from the hardships of their daily lives. To these people Helena became the embodiment of the Christian way of life. She was among the first to set out on apilgrimage to the Holy Land, at Constantine’s express wish bringing back with her a piece of the true cross. The fragment became Byzantium’s most venerated relic.
It was kept in the Great Palace of the Byzantine emperors in Constantinople, but, in 565, Justin II granted the request of St Radegonda, the forsaken wife of Chilperic, for a small piece of it; she had it mounted in the superb reliquary of St Croix, which is still kept at Poitiers, but from then onwards the original fragment was gradually frittered away in gifts. Although it was the Emperor Theodosius I who, in AD 381, adopted Christianity as the Empire’s official religion, it was Helena and Constantine who were both given the rank of saints in the Orthodox Church as a reward for the services they had rendered to Christianity; that is why they are often represented in paintings or on other works of art standing side by side, Helena usually holding a cross between them.
In Rome Christianity had been introduced and spread by missionaries, converts and fathers of the Church, all of whom, whilst fighting to establish the new faith, had followed the directions of their leaders; as a result, when once the Church became established in Rome, the first clerics were automatically drawn from among these leaders. But this was not the case in Constantinople. There the religion had been sponsored by Constantine who held a supreme position in both the political and the religious sphere, for he was both ruler of the state and protector of the Church, a secular emperor and also God’s vicar on earth. His successors on the throne continued to regard themselves as divinely inspired and, as such, took precedence over the clergy, the emperor alone among laymen being entitled to enter the most sacred parts of the church normally reserved for the ordained. It was due to the emperor’s dual functions that, when the Grand Duchess Olga of Kievan Russia decided, whilst on a state visit to Constantinople, to become a Christian, her baptism in 957 was performed during a magnificent ceremony conducted jointly by the emperor of Byzantium and the patriarch of Constantinople.
Well-informed people in Rome were probably not surprised by Constantine’s decision to legalise Christianity, nor astonished by his wish to re-establish his capital in some city other than Rome. They must, however, have been startled when, in 324, he made it known that he had decided to set up his headquarters in the small town of Byzantium which occupied a triangular promontory at the northern end of the Sea of Marmora, at a point where Asia and Europe are within finger-tip distance of each other(4). Apart from the emperor few men were at the time aware of the site’s numerous geographical advantages or of the splendid harbour which could be made from the pocket of water lapping the triangle’s northern edge.
The Byzantines were aptly to name the inlet the Golden Horn, for such it was to prove when merchants of all nations started to use it, quickly turning it into the world’s richest port. Not only could Byzantium keep in touch with the western world by means of a network of roads running inland into Europe, but, by sailing northwards up the Bosphorus, contact could also be maintained with the many ports ranged along the shores of the Black Sea. Thus, by way of what is now Russia, trade could be developed with the Scandinavian countries on the one hand and with Central Asia, India and China on the other. In addition, by turning southwards the Aegean could be reached through the Dardanelles and shipping could enter the Mediterranean, while merchants, merely by crossing a short expanse of the Marmora, could reach Asia Minor and from it establish contact with the whole area which we now refer to as the Near and Middle East.
Those who failed to appreciate these geographical advantages were not the first men to misjudge the value of the site. Centuries earlier, at a time when Greece, though a leading power, was beset by economic difficulties, many of her city states encouraged their citizens to seek their fortunes in places from which they could ship food-supplies and other essentials back to the motherland. As a result many Greeks had founded independent, self-governing coastal cities, known as colonies, along the shores of the Black Sea. During the seventh century Bc a group of emigrants from Megara placed themselves under the leadership of a man called Byzas. Before departing from their native town they consulted their favourite oracle, hoping for advice as to where to found their colony. In the manner of oracles the reply took the form of a riddle: “Go, settle opposite the city of the blind’.
The Megarians embarked and in due course reached the southern entrance to the Bosphorus, where the Greek colonial town of Chalcedon stood on the Asiatic shore of the Marmora (near present-day Moda). As they gazed with delight upon the splendid landscape unfolding before them their eyes rested upon the triangle of land projecting into the sea from the opposite (i.e. the European) shore. As quick as Constantine to appreciate its possibilities, the Megarians concluded that the inhabitants of Chalcedon, who could well have chosen that site in preference to their own, must have been the blind people referred to by the oracle. They founded their townlet on the promontory. Yet in spite of its advantages the city, when Constantine saw it, was still too small to serve as a capital. In the year 324, therefore, he delineated new boundaries for its defensive walls and set workmen to build a palace, essential administrative buildings, a forum and a church which he dedicated to Haghia Sophia, the Holy (or Divine) Wisdom. These indispensable works were completed in six years, and in ap 330 Constantine proclaimed the town his capital.
To ensure that the capital of his choice should become the Empire’s leading city not only in name but in fact, Constantine altered the whole structure of the Roman Empire and devised a new system of administration, replacing the customary type of official by men of a new stamp. He re-named the city Constantinople, Constantine’s city, yet the town was often referred to as Nova Roma, or the New Rome, whilst Byzas’ name came to be applied to the eastern part of the Roman Empire instead of to the city itself. There was good reason for referring to Constantinople as the New Rome, for virtually the entire ruling class, consisting as it did of court and government circles, was made up of Romans and, even though the local inhabitants were Greeks, Latin remained the official language until the fifth century, when the western and eastern parts of the Roman Empire separated. Within a century or so the Greek language replaced the Latin as the official tongue, whilst the eastern section of the Empire came to be known officially as Byzantium. Yet still today, in parts of Turkey, Iran and Arabia, the old link with Rome endures and the word Rum, meaning Rome, is quite often applied to the region of Constantinople or to people coming from Europe.
In contrast to Rome’s caesars, who were at pains to give the people the impression that they wished to be regarded as commoners who had been raised to supreme office by the will of the people, Constantine, from the moment he became sole ruler, assumed the position, powers and dignities of an emperor. Furthermore, both as ruler of the Roman Empire and as God’s vicar on earth, he insisted on taking precedence over all other kings. This conception of the emperor of Constantinople as supreme ruler on earth was upheld by Constantine’s successors and remained unchallenged in 395 when, at the death of Emperor Theodosius I, it was decided to divide the Roman Empire into an eastern and a western section.
The eastern was to be ruled from Constantinople, where Arcadius became emperor, whilst the western, which was governed from Rome, was regarded as subordinate. However, within five years the Goths, who were then overrunning Europe, had advanced to the very outskirts of Rome. In 402 the government was obliged hurriedly to move first to Milan and then to Ravenna for safety, though it was not till six years later that the Goths, under Alaric, actually succeeded in capturing and looting Rome. From the start the situation in Ravenna was fraught with difficulties; differences multiplied and ruler succeeded ruler at very short intervals until finally, in 476, the Germanic chieftain Odoacer deposed Romulus Augustus, the last member of the Imperial house to reign in the West.
With his fall the mantle of Rome automatically passed to the ruler of the East, that is to say to the emperor of Byzantium reigning in Constantinople. At the time the throne was occupied by Zeno, and because of the glamour with which Constantine had been able to invest the office of emperor of the East, Zeno’s prestige stood so high in the West that Odoacer, though victorious in Italy, felt it necessary that Zeno should recognise him officially as Patricius of Rome and prefect of Italy. The ties between Rome and the East remained so strong that, in the fifth century, the Gothic ruler of Ravenna, Theodoric, wholeheartedly adopted Byzantine culture. But even so, soon after his death, Emperor Justinian the Great (527-65) considered it his duty to reconquer Italy. His commandersin-chief, first Belisarius and then Narses, managed to do so by 555, but the result was ephemeral and in the course of the next two centuries East and West fell apart and, whilst the pope lost his.
influence in Byzantium, the emperor of the East lost his in western Europe. In 590 Gregory, bishop of Rome, became pope. He was to go down in history as ‘the Great’ largely because he was the first pope since Leo the Great who asserted his right to act independently of Constantinople. From his day onwards the pope’s influence steadily increased in the West at the cost of the patriarch of Constantinople. Then, in the year 800, Charlemagne challenged the supremacy of the emperor of Byzantium by reviving the office of emperor of the West and persuading Pope Leo III to crown him as such on Christmas Day. It is interesting to note that the influence of Byzantium led the pope to take his title from the Greek word Pappas, meaning father, the name by which the Greek Church called its first bishops, but later applied to all its priests. Although many buildings had been erected in Constantinople in Constantine’s lifetime the town remained comparatively small and unable to compete in either size or splendour with such ancient and magnificent cities as Alexandria or Antioch nor, indeed, could it compare with Rome or even Athens.
Yet within 100 years of its foundation more people were living in Constantinople than in Rome. Nevertheless it was to take the best part of 200 years and the genius of the Emperor Justinian and his chief architect, Anthemius of Tralles, before the young capital could eclipse all other cities in its beauty, wealth, importance and range of amenities. Not only did it then become the leading political and economic centre of its day but, in addition, it stood out during the first few centuries of its existence as the great religious centre to which Christendom looked for direction, in much the same way as Catholics today look to Rome. Furthermore, Constantinople, like Paris since the later nineteenth century, became the capital in which art was to be seen at its best and most vital; it was there that the world’s latest fashions were launched and there that luxuries were to be found in greater abundance and variety than anywhere else in Europe. By the time of Justinian the population must have numbered close on half a million.
Constantinople’s original population had been Greek, descendants of the men of Megara who had founded the city. Most of the people whom Constantine brought to it were Romans, wearing the Roman toga and speaking Latin. Yet even when the Romans merged with the native Greeks, when their language was forgotten by all save the most ardent scholars and when their costume had evolved into something wholly national, the draperies of the Roman toga were nevertheless preserved for all time in art. Regardless of the date at which they were produced, both the exquisite illuminations in Byzantine copies of the Gospels and other holy books, and also religious paintings and mosaics, clothed the Evangelists and saints in the voluminous draperies derived from the dress of classical times. This usually consisted of a himation or cloak worn over a chiton or shirt. Few of these draperies remained white in colour; instead, as befitted those destined to spend eternity amidst the glories of Paradise, the garments were rendered in shades more splendid than the rainbow’s; frequently, in the manner of an Indian sari, they © are shown shot with gold and, in the case of white draperies, the folds are generally indicated by shading of deep and varied tones.
The Roman Empire was a multi-racial state and all its freemen, irrespective of nationality or religion, enjoyed equal rights. So it was in Constantinople, where from thefirst Greekand Roman combined in evolving the Eastern Empire’s new, essentially Christian, culture and way of life. Roman regard for orderliness seems to have been mainly responsible for contributing the basic structure of the state. But Greek thought and tastes, often reflecting the influence of people from farther east such as the Syrians, became increasingly dominant as more and more easterners flocked to Constantinople, drawn there by the town’s growing prosperity. They (the Greeks and orientals) were particularly attracted to the mystical side of Christianity and often became deeply involved in religious experiences and discussions. It was largely due to their influence that the Byzantines developed a regard and love of symbolism which, throughout the whole of their long history, expressed itself not only in their religious writings but also in their art and literature. It was again primarily due to the Greeks that the interest the Romans had taken in Greek culture was fanned by the Byzantines into an enduring love of the Greek classics. The Byzantines became as familiar with the Greek myths as were the pagan Greeks of earlier times. In consequence they were able to use them as parables which they adapted to events of their own day in literature, comparing an idea or occurrence to some well-known text or incident or depicting it in their art by means of some appropriate mythological scene. Yet all these Greek and oriental threads were fitted into so rigid a canvas that the latter must assuredly have been supplied by the painstaking, methodical, logical Romans. Every branch of the Byzantine administration, of its Church, of its social structure and its services was carefully regulated and fully defined. Byzantium became an authoritarian but not a dictatorial state since, within prescribed limits, its people were free. It is perhaps easier for us today than for any other generation to appreciate the subtle differences which distinguish a dictatorship from a highly disciplined society. Forall our love of individuality and freedom, we voluntarily submit ourselvesto a great many orders. For example, let us take the most trivial, but by no means the least necessary regulations, those governing parking of motor-cars and speeding; to enable our highly complex society to function we have to accept these and numerous other rules. In times of national emergencies, too, most of us readily abandon our customary way of life in order to carry out the instructions of our governments. It was in much the same spirit that the Byzantines, tired of the years of instability and insecurity which had accompanied the decay of Greece and Rome, accepted the measures on which their constitution was based, and the tasks and duties assigned to each social class of the population. Yet within the rigid framework all retained considerable freedom of thought and action; in ' the intellectual sphere Byzantine life made up for what it lacked in originality by its fervour and vigour, and when the people objected to an edict or to an emperor they never hesitated to express their disapproval. Often they resorted to methods no modern dictator would tolerate. Rioting and mutinies were common occurrences in Constantinople during every period of its history and many an emperor, forall his divine rights and limitless powers, was ruthlessly deposed, often tortured and, at times, even put to death by his angry subjects.
Throughout much of their history the Byzantines were involved in warfare. Though by nature far from belligerent, their traditions as rulers of an empire obliged them to defend the far-flung territories they had inherited from Rome and to cling to distant outposts in the face of rising nationalist movements. In 572 they lost Spain; this was the first of a series of major defeats. It was followed soon after by the loss of Italy. Jerusalem, the holy of holies, the cradle of Christianity, fell to Persian infidels in 613 and in 626 the Persians advanced on Constantinople, but the Virgin, so the Byzantines firmly believed, came to the aid of her fervent adorers, enabling them to beat back the invaders. Then came the rise of Islam, and by the year 640 all of Syria, Palestine and Egypt was in the hands of the Arabs and Constantinople itself was attacked. But a decisive victory over the Arabs in 678, largely due to the use of Greek Fire, saved not only Constantinople, but most of Asia Minor. This was a timely achievement for, from the latter part of the seventh century, the Byzantines had to devote increasing. attention to curbing the ambitions of their Slavic neighbours; first they had to acknowledge the Bulgars as an independent kingdom, later the Russians and last of all the Serbians. From the eleventh century onwards the Byzantines found themselves menaced by the Seljukid Turks; then western Crusaders proceeded to undermine their strength, sapping so much of their vitality that at the end they were unable to stem the advance of the Ottoman Turks. In 1453, when Byzantium consisted of little more than the city of Constantinople, the Ottomans launched their last attack. Advancing under cover of cannon fire they breached the walls of the city; Byzantium’s last outpost succumbed when the greater part of its population lay with their emperor dead on the ramparts they had defended with the utmost valour. During three days, according to Ottoman traditions, the vanquished city was handed over to the conquering soldiery to loot and destroy. Many of the Greeks who had survived the siege were massacred at the time. Some of those who escaped later agreed to serve in the Turkish treasury or to accept posts as provincial governors in such conquered provinces as Armenia. Known by their fellow Greeks as Phanariotes, these men were hated by the other Constantinopolitan Christians. The Ottomans made the latter pay for their hatred by hounding and persecuting the most active among them.
The Byzantines were ruled in turn by several dynasties. The first traced its descent from Rome’s caesars and was so strongly Roman in origin and habits that many scholars regard this opening phase in Byzantium’s history as an early Christian rather than a purely Byzantine one. In their view Byzantium came into its own only with Justinian the Great. In art Justinian created a golden age. The standards and ideals which he established endured till the reign of Leo ITI (717-41). That emperor believed that the veneration which his subjects accorded to icons verged on idolatry. To save them from this, one of the greatest of all sins, Leo determined to ban all forms of figural representations in religious art. In 730 he issued an edict ordering the removal of the famous icon of Our Lady of the Copper Market, but even though he was upheld in this by the support of many men of influence the order was so violently and so passionately resisted that nothing could be done for four years. By then the iconoclasts (as those who were opposed to figural representations in religious art were called) had become so powerful that they were able to enforce the ban. In the face of intense opposition they remained in power from then onwards, with but a short gap of four years, until 843 when they were finally defeated.
A new dynasty, the Macedonian, came to the throne in 867; this dynasty was responsible for the flowering of a second golden age in art and produced rulers as diverse as Leo VI, known as the Wise, or the ruthless, pleasure-loving Zoe who murdered her husband Romanus III in order to marry Michael the Paphlagonian and crown him emperor, only to replace him in his turn in 1042 by her third and last husband, Constantine IX Monomachus. That dynasty ended with Zoe’s sister after a reign of only one year after the death of her brother-in-law Constantine IX.
A palace revolution carried out by courtiers brought Isaac, the first of the Comnenes, to the throne in 1057. His heirs were obliged to fight both the Seljuks in the East and the Normans in the West whilst also having to deal with the turbulent Crusaders. Intoxicated by the wealth and beauty of Constantinople the members of the Fourth Crusade, led by Venetian commanders, forgot that they had set out to fight the infidel rulers of Jerusalem in order to free the holy places and turned instead on Constantinople. They took possession of the city in 1204; after sacking it they installed themselves as its rulers. The Latin occupation lasted till 1261. Whilst it was in force members of Byzantium’s imperial families established refugee kingdoms in the Empire’s outposts. Theodore Lascaris set himself up in Nicaea and claimed to be ruler of Byzantium. A branch of the Comnenes created a kingdom for themselves at Trebizond, in the south-eastern corner of the Black Sea. Others established independent despotates in Greece, notably in the Morea, at Mistra and in Epirus, where the Angelus family seized control. It was a member of that house, Theodore Angelus Ducas Comnenus, who managed to capture Salonica from the Latins in 1224 and who then attempted to lay claim to the imperial title. However, it was Michael VIII Palaeologus, a member of the aristocratic Comnene family, who became the founder of the last Greek dynasty to reign in Constantinople. Crowned co-ruler with John IV Lascaris in Nicaea in 1259, on the ejection in 1261 of the Latin usurpers from Constantinople he re-entered the city as emperor of Byzantium. A descendant of his, Constantine XI, crowned emperor in his despotate of Mistra in Sparta in 1449, was to die gallantly defending the walls of his capital against vastly unequal odds in 1453, when the Ottoman Turks launched their final attack. Only his purple slippers remained to show his subjects where he had fallen whilst fighting beside them to defend their city.
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